Revolutionary uprisings, which to one degree or another covered all European countries, arose as a result of the conflict of productive forces and production relations and were aimed at eliminating the remnants of the feudal-absolutist system and establishing the political dominance of the bourgeoisie.

Revolutions of 1848-1849 are in the middle of the world-historical era of victory and strengthening of capitalism, which began with the Great French Revolution of 1789-1799. and ended with the Paris Commune of 1871. 40s of the 19th century. characterized by the fact that in a number of European countries there was a transition from the manufacturing stage of capitalism to factory production. The Industrial Revolution was close to completion in England, made significant progress in France, and the foundations of the capitalist structure in the German Confederation were formed and developed. The most important social consequence of the industrial revolution was the formation of two main classes of capitalist society - the bourgeoisie and the industrial proletariat. In the broadest sense of the word, character and final goal revolutions in all European countries were common. But specific tasks, facing different nations, turned out to be far from the same. In France, the bourgeois-democratic revolution had to be completed - to eliminate the monarchy of Louis-Philippe d'Orléans and the dominance of the financial aristocracy, and to establish a bourgeois-democratic republic.

At the same time, feudal-absolutist orders still dominated in most European countries. Here the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution were fully realized.

In Germany and Italy, a vital task still remained unresolved: achieving national-state unification. In Italy, the implementation of this goal was associated with the necessary liberation of the country from Austrian domination. The task of eliminating foreign oppression and forming independent states also faced other peoples of Europe - the Poles, Hungarians, and Czechs. In a number of European countries, the elimination of the feudal system in the countryside was not completed. The only radical way to solve all pressing historical problems was a bourgeois-democratic revolution combined with a national liberation war.

In 1847, a revolutionary situation on a pan-European scale arose. Revolutionary events were accelerated by agricultural disasters of 1845-1847. and the economic crisis of 1847, which broke out in several countries at once. The most important feature revolutions of 1848-1849 there was an active participation in them by the broad masses of the working class, who had embarked on the path independent struggle. The workers acted in the general flow of the democratic movement, but also put forward their own demands. Their performances reached their highest point in France in June 1848 in Paris. However, at that time, the objective prerequisites for the victory of the proletariat had not yet developed.

The political activity of the proletariat also determined another feature of the balance of class forces: the bourgeoisie’s retreat from revolutionary positions and its desire for compromise and alliance with absolutism and large landowners. The degree of development of this process in different countries was not the same, but the trend turned out to be common: the bourgeoisie saw in the proletariat a formidable enemy, which seemed more dangerous than the feudal-absolutist reaction. The urban petty bourgeoisie energetically participated in the struggle for democratic changes, but as the contradictions between workers and capitalists intensified, their position became unstable and inconsistent.

The position of the peasantry cannot be characterized unambiguously, because its stratification was significant. Wealthy peasants saw in the revolutionary events a threat to their own well-being, the majority of the rural population saw an opportunity to get rid of poverty and oppression.

Revolutions of 1848-1849 forced the ruling classes in different countries to carry out progressive socio-economic transformations. Revolutions cleared the way (though not to the same extent in different countries) for the further, more rapid development of capitalism.

Revolutions of 1848-1849 revealed all the internal contradictions of social classes: their struggle took on the most acute and naked character.

At the beginning of 1848, all of Europe was shocked by bourgeois-democratic revolutions, which affected all countries and essentially merged into one powerful movement. Their most important tasks were the elimination of feudal orders, the destruction of absolutism and the establishment of a constitutional system. In Germany, Italy, and the Austrian Empire, the issue of relations between different peoples had to be resolved. The struggle for these goals was carried out by the bourgeoisie, intelligentsia, workers, artisans, and peasants. They were the main driving force behind the revolutions.

Exacerbation of social contradictions

In the 40s In Europe, there was a widespread and simultaneous exacerbation of economic and political contradictions.

At this time, capitalist production already played a leading role, but feudal barriers remained everywhere. The peasants were heavily dependent on the landowner, and serfdom remained in many areas. Workers and artisans barely provided their families with the basic necessities. The bourgeoisie was removed from political power. At the same time, the nobles had rights that were not available to other segments of the population. They occupied the highest government positions, were exempt from paying taxes in kind, and had their own courts. The arbitrariness of officials and police reigned everywhere.

Crop failures, economic crisis, unemployment and the direct threat of famine in the late 40s. brought the discontent of the people to a critical point. Demands for a constitution, freedom and reform were heard everywhere.

National movements

With the beginning of the revolutions, the defense of national interests acquired unprecedented proportions. The peoples of Germany and Italy are the only ones in Europe who lived in conditions of political fragmentation and sought to unite and create nation states. This was one of the main goals of the revolutions in these countries.

The Austrian Empire, on the contrary, was a multinational state, 6 million Germans occupied a privileged position here in relation to 28 million Hungarians, Wallachians, Italians, Slavs (Czechs, Slovaks, Poles, Transcarpathian Ukrainians, Croats, Serbs, Slovenes). The subordinate position of these peoples encouraged them to fight for national equality and independence. This desire manifested itself most forcefully in Hungary.

Liberalism and revolution

At this time, the ideas of liberalism (from the Latin liberalis - free), which date back to the revolutions of the 17th-18th centuries, became widespread in European countries.

Liberals sought to abolish feudal orders, limit the monarchy and establish parliamentary government. They insisted on introducing freedom of speech, conscience, and assembly.

It was the liberals who were at the head of the revolutions in initial period their development. But, having received ministerial posts, they openly opposed the revolutionary movement, seeing it as a threat to their property and power, and turned into staunch supporters of only peaceful changes. Liberal ideas were warmly supported by the most wealthy sections of the bourgeoisie and intelligentsia. They were much less common among workers and peasants.

Victories of revolutions

The revolutionary wave originated in the south of Italy, acquired formidable force in Paris and in a matter of days captured the entire Central and South-Eastern Europe.

On January 12, 1848, an uprising began on the island of Sicily, which was part of the Kingdom of Naples. Soon the revolutionary movement swept the entire Apennine Peninsula. From the very beginning, three directions were intertwined in it. Firstly, this is the struggle for liberation from Austrian rule in northern Italy. Secondly, the movement for the unification of all parts of Italy into one state. Finally, the struggle for democratic change. To stay on their thrones, the Italian sovereigns, one after another, invited liberals into the government and introduced constitutions.

Austrian troops were expelled from Milan. Venice and Rome declared themselves republics. The Pope fled. The republican Giuseppe Mazzini and the passionate fighter for the unity of Italy Giuseppe Garibaldi were widely known in Italy and abroad.

Italian patriot Giuseppe Mazzini (1805-1872). Fought for the unification of Italian lands under the rule of a republican government. He spent most of his life abroad. He saw Italy united, but not as a republic, but as a monarchy

In the Austrian Empire, the revolution began with the victory of the uprising in Vienna on March 13, 1848. Along with the workers, students took a very active part in it. The rebels achieved the overthrow of the hated head of government, Chancellor Metternich. The completely confused Emperor Ferdinand I withdrew his troops from Vienna and allowed the formation of a student armed legion. From October 6 to November 1, a powerful uprising took place in Vienna, forcing the emperor to flee the capital.

The multinational empire was splitting into pieces. Northern Italy, given to Austria by the Congress of Vienna, spoke out in favor of joining the Sardinian kingdom.

Hungary declared independence on April 14, 1849. Its government was headed by the noble revolutionary Lajos Kossuth. The Croats, in turn, sought independence from Hungary.

Liberals also came to power in dozens of German states. After the uprising in Berlin on March 18, 1848, the Prussian king allowed the election of the National Assembly and the beginning of the development of a constitution, and abolished press censorship.

As in Italy, the unification movement intensified in Germany. The all-German Frankfurt Parliament was elected by universal suffrage (it met in Frankfurt am Main). Parliament began drafting a pan-German constitution and immediately plunged into long-winded debate about the best method of unification.

Defeat of revolutions

The successes of the revolutionary forces were short-lived. After the defeat of the Parisian uprising in June 1848, the monarchs became bolder and went on the offensive. The revolutionary forces were unable to unite and establish clear leadership.

In Northern Italy, the Austrian army defeated the Sardinian forces and restored Austrian dominance in Milan and Venice. French troops liquidated the Roman Republic. Absolutism was restored on the Apennine Peninsula; only the Sardinian kingdom retained a liberal constitution.

In Austria, after the brutal suppression of the uprising in Vienna, all the gains of the revolution were declared destroyed. With the help of the troops of Tsarist Russia, the Hungarian revolutionary army was defeated.

In Germany, developments took place in the same direction. The Prussian king dissolved the National Assembly and “bestowed” on his country a constitution that placed almost no restrictions on royal power. He refused to accept the offer of the Frankfurt Parliament, which he hated, and become German Emperor. Thus, the plan developed by the liberals for the unification of Germany was deliberately thwarted. In June 1849, the Frankfurt Parliament itself was dispersed. The revolutions in Central and South-Eastern Europe were over.

Italy also remained fragmented. Its unification occurred as a result of wars and revolutionary movements only in the 50-60s. XIX century around the Sardinian kingdom, the most developed among the Italian states.

The head of the Sardinian government, C. Cavour, King Victor Emmanuel II, as well as Mazzini and Garibaldi, played a prominent role in the unification process. Garibaldi, with only a thousand volunteer soldiers, with the support of the local population, captured the entire south of Italy, which was then annexed to the Kingdom of Sardinia.

As a result of the unification, the socio-economic development of Italy accelerated, becoming one of largest countries Europe. IN late XIX- early 20th century she began to pursue an active colonial policy and seized a number of territories in North Africa.

Causes of defeat and results of revolutions

The revolutionary forces were defeated primarily because they were weaker than their opponents. The feudal-absolutist camp had a trained army and police, a large bureaucracy and large financial resources. He received military assistance from abroad.

The supporters of the revolution had none of this. They themselves did not have common goals and general plan actions. The liberals did not want to enter into an alliance with the lower classes because of their aversion to traditional methods struggle - uprisings, pogroms, arson. Frightened by the behavior of the “rabble,” they stood up as a shield to defend the monarchy and the nobility. And when the revolution began to decline, the liberals themselves in most countries were removed from power.

Workers and peasants, in turn, did not believe the liberal ministers, who did nothing to increase wages and allocating land to villagers, establishing equal rights for nations. Instead of unification, a struggle began between liberals and revolutionary democrats. Under such conditions, they could not overcome absolutism and the nobility and solve the problems facing the revolution. Pre-revolutionary orders were largely restored.

And yet, the ruling circles, fearing a repetition of the events of 1848, made some innovations. Constitutions were adopted that gave the bourgeoisie limited access to power. In the Austrian Empire, serfdom was abolished, and in Prussia, peasants were allowed to redeem their duties. As a result, the development of capitalism accelerated, steadily displacing feudal elements in Europe.

But all this was achieved at too high a price - only during the Vienna uprising of 1848, 5 thousand rebels died. Every step forward cost people great sacrifices and efforts.

THIS IS INTERESTING TO KNOW

One of the battalions that fought in 1936-1938. in Republican Spain, bore the name Garibaldi. In 1943-1945. Garibaldi was named after partisan detachments who fought against the Nazis.

References:
V. S. Koshelev, I. V. Orzhekhovsky, V. I. Sinitsa / The World History Modern times XIX - early XX century, 1998.

Revolutions of 1848-1849 flared up not only against internal reaction, but also threatened to radically undermine the entire European system of international relations, which had developed on the basis of the reactionary Viennese treaties of 1815.

In France, the revolution of 1848 put the French bourgeois class in power, whose circles pursued an aggressive policy, a policy of expanding colonial possessions, which sooner or later was bound to lead to international clashes.

The revolutions in Italy and Germany were aimed at eliminating feudal fragmentation and creating strong national states: a united Italy and a united Germany.

The Italian and Hungarian revolutions led to the collapse of the Austrian Empire. The Polish revolutionary movement, whose goal was the restoration of an independent Poland, threatened not only the Austrian Empire, but also the Prussian monarchy and Tsarist Russia.

In international relations 1848-1849. The central question was whether the system of 1815 would survive or whether it would collapse and the reunification of Germany and Italy into independent states would take place. The creation of a united Germany would mean the destruction of the feudal fragmentation of the German lands and the elimination of the Austro-Prussian rivalry for the unification of Germany. But the preservation of feudal fragmentation and Austro-Prussian rivalry was beneficial to neighboring major powers such as France and England, which corresponded to the foreign policy interests of the ruling classes. Tsarist diplomacy also supported the fragmentation of Germany, which contributed to the strengthening of Russian influence in European affairs.

Attempts to unite Germany under the hegemony of Prussia caused alarm and opposition, both from Tsarist Russia and from England and France. The ruling classes of England feared the strengthening of Prussia at the expense of Denmark. The French bourgeoisie saw itself as a threat in the possible absorption by Prussia of not only Schleswig and Holstein, which belonged to Denmark, but also small German states. The governments of Russia, France and England were even more hostile to the revolutionary-democratic path of German unification. For Nicholas I, the struggle against the revolutionary unification of Germany meant the defense of the autocratic serfdom system Russian Empire. Between bourgeois France and bourgeois England, on the one hand, and the feudal-absolutist states of Russia and Austria, on the other, there was a certain commonality of positions in German affairs, which could not but influence international relationships 1848-1849

The entire foreign policy of the French Provisional Government, formed during the revolution of 1848-1849, was determined by the fear of intervention, the fear of meeting an external enemy. The government tried to avoid any complications in relations with the reactionary governments of Europe. The French government considered the main means of avoiding intervention to be ensuring peace with England. Without English subsidies, a war with the French Republic would have been unbearable for the disorganized finances of Austria, Russia and Prussia. Having become Foreign Secretary, Lamartine immediately wrote to the British Ambassador in Paris, Lord Normanby, and representatives of other states that republican uniform The new government does not change either France's place in Europe or its sincere intentions to maintain relations of good agreement between the powers.

On March 4, 1848, Lamartine sent a circular to representatives of the French Republic abroad, assuring foreign governments that France would not start a war to abolish the treaties of 1815. “The treaties of 1815 no longer exist in the eyes of the French Republic as law; however, the territorial provisions of these treaties are a fact which she accepts as the basis and starting point in her relations with other nations,” it said.

Rejecting the idea of ​​revolutionary intervention in the affairs of other countries, the circular stated that in certain cases the republic has the right to carry out such intervention. Lamartine continued to insist that the universal brotherhood of peoples can only be established through peaceful means. Revolutionary democrats and socialists in France did not believe in the peaceful implementation of the idea of ​​​​the brotherhood of peoples and insisted on active assistance to revolutionary movements throughout Europe. Assistance to revolutionary movements, the restoration of Poland within the borders of 1772 as a stronghold and ally of France, the rapprochement of France with liberated Italy and united Germany - such was the foreign policy program of these groups.

After the February Revolution, France's position in Europe changed dramatically. France moved away from Austria and defended the integrity, neutrality and independence of Switzerland. Lamartine's dream was an alliance with England, the small states and "liberal" Prussia. He believed that the kinship of political principles could ensure the solidarity of England, France and Prussia in foreign policy. French foreign policy was weak and passive. Even in Italy, on whose territory Lamartine wanted to eradicate Austrian influence and replace it with French, the government did not dare to take active action. Under the Provisional Government, France was isolated and had no allies.

Revolutionary upheavals in 1848 gripped almost all of Western Europe and almost all governments were alarmed by the unrest in their countries. Revolutionary events in Italy, the March revolutions in the German states and in the Austrian Empire diverted attention from the French Republic in the first weeks of its existence and made a general attack against it completely impossible.

Unlike 1830, when England immediately after the July Revolution recognized the new French government, G. Palmerston was in no hurry to official recognition of the Second Republic and maintained only de facto relations with it. The Republic was recognized by the USA, Switzerland, Belgium, Spain, but England waited to find out how stable the new government in France was. He hastened to exchange views with the Dutch government about the threat of French revolutionary intervention in Belgian affairs. On this basis, a rapprochement between Great Britain, Belgium and Holland took place.

G. Palmerston feared the triumph of French influence in northern Italy. The best remedy To prevent France in this matter was considered a general agreement of European governments on the measures to be taken if it attacked neighboring states. He hoped to achieve this agreement on the basis of the principle of non-interference by all states in the affairs of Italy and Switzerland. In fact, G. Palmerston was ready to assist in the creation of a strong buffer state in northern Italy under British influence. Taking advantage of the weakness of the foreign policy of the Provisional Government, the English diplomat intended, wherever possible, to oust French influence and replace it with English. However, his policy failed.

The news of the February Revolution infuriated Nicholas I. The Tsar never recognized Louis Philippe as the legitimate monarch, but the Republic was even worse. Nicholas I wanted to move his army against France and crush the revolution. Realizing the insufficient means to act against France, he was in a hurry to create an armed barrier against the revolution approaching from the west and tried to strengthen ties with Berlin and Vienna. Not being able to attack France, Nicholas I decided to break off diplomatic relations with her. But circumstances forced the tsar in 1848 to take a more restrained position towards France than during the July events of 1830. The revolutions that took place in the German states and in Austria led to the fact that even the tsar’s intentions to break diplomatic relations with republican France remained unfulfilled.

After the March revolutions in Vienna and Berlin, the tsar found himself in complete isolation. The methods of maneuvering and compromise that the Prussian king used in the fight against the revolution were completely intolerable for Nicholas I. Nicholas regretted that the revolution had shaken the foundations of the old, absolutist Prussia. He feared the creation of a united Germany. He was especially afraid of the revolutionary unification of Germany, but did not want to allow the unification of Germany under the leadership of the Prussian Junkers. Nicholas I believed that the revolution could spread to Poznan, Galicia and the Kingdom of Poland, and could approach the borders of Russia. In the tsarist manifesto published on March 14 after the revolutions in Austria and Prussia, it was explained that Russia was taking a defensive position and was not yet interfering in the internal transformations in Western Europe. In the explanatory article by K.V. Nesselrode stipulated that, while protecting the treaties of 1815, Russia “will not miss the distribution of borders between states and will not tolerate that in the event of a change in the political balance and any other distribution of areas, such an application would be to the detriment of the Empire.”

After the revolutions in Austria and Prussia, the Tsar feared the revolutionary unification of Germany and the dominance of aggressive Prussia in it. Under such conditions, a break with France, despite the proclamation of a republic there, became undesirable for the tsar. In their hostile attitude towards the revolution in Germany, bourgeois France and England, who sought to prevent Germany from becoming a single state, quite agreed with the tsar.

After the dispersal of the Frankfurt Parliament in 1849, which set itself the goal of unifying Germany, the dream of this unification around Prussia did not leave wide sections of the German bourgeoisie. Nicholas I never wanted to allow this unification. Under the influence of Nicholas I, Frederick William IV refused to accept the German imperial crown from the Frankfurt parliament. But under the influence of the general desire for unification, even the reactionary Prussian ministry of Count Brandenburg did in 1849-1850. some steps towards the reorganization of the powerless German Confederation. Then Nicholas I supported the Austrian Chancellor Schwarzenberg, who announced that Austria would not tolerate the strengthening of Prussia. On this issue, Nicholas I completely agreed with Austrian diplomacy.

On August 2, 1850, representatives of Russia, France, England and Austria signed an agreement in London, which secured Denmark's possession of Holstein. This was the first blow dealt to Prussia. In November 1850, a new conflict occurred between Austria and Prussia over Hesse. After the intervention of Nicholas I in the city of Olmütz on November 29, 1850, an agreement was signed between Prussia and Austria, and Prussia had to completely reconcile.

The agreement was preceded by Prussia's attempt to create in 1849-1850. under his leadership, a union of 26 German states and an all-German parliament, which caused resistance from Austria, as well as discontent from Russia, France and Great Britain. According to the agreement, Prussia agreed to the restoration of the fragmented German Confederation, created in accordance with the decision of the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815. and pledged to allow Austrian troops into Hesse-Kassel and Holstein to suppress revolutionary uprisings there. This agreement was the last victory of Austrian diplomacy in the fight against Prussia. This “Olmütz humiliation” was remembered throughout Germany as the work of Nicholas I.

The “hungry magpies” severely hit the population of Europe. Crop failures became an almost pan-European disaster, leading to a sharp rise in bread prices. The economic crisis of 1847 was almost universal, the social consequences of which paved the way for the revolution. Unemployment has reached unprecedented levels. According to the conclusion of the British historian E. Hobsbawm, “in Western and Central Europe as a whole, the catastrophe of 1846-1848. was universal." By 1848, all of “Europe was on standby, ready to transmit news of the revolution from city to city by telegraph.” Many of the consequences of the revolutions, which were accompanied by the collapse of the remnants of the “Old Order” in many European countries, were similar.

Revolution of 1848-1849 in Italy

A common feature of the revolutions of 1848-1849. was the emergence of the working class as an independent social force, which loudly declared its special interests. At the same time, the experience of the revolutions of 1848-1849. testified to the practical failure of utopian socialism and communism. All national movements also ended in failure, both attempts to unify Germany and Italy, and the liberation movement of the peoples of the Austrian Empire.

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General history. History of modern times. 8th grade Burin Sergey Nikolaevich

§ 10. European revolutions of 1848–1849

Revolution of 1848 in France

The July Revolution (1830) turned out to be only an intermediate act of the revolutionary drama. Almost the entire society was dissatisfied with the “reign of the bankers” in France. Influential forces were in opposition to the policies of the July Monarchy. Bonapartists (supporters of Napoleon I's nephew, Louis Bonaparte), legitimists (who sought to restore the Bourbon dynasty) and republicans openly opposed Louis Philippe. The authorities themselves gave the reason for the massive outburst of indignation. During those years, a movement for electoral reform arose in France, as in Great Britain. Wealthy members of the movement often hosted public banquets at which reform projects were vigorously discussed. In February 1848, the government banned one of these banquets and even threatened to use force in case of disobedience.

Battle of the barricades in Paris

In response, unrest began in Paris. On February 22, the day of the prohibited banquet, barricades appeared on the streets. Crowds of workers broke into gun shops and took possession of weapons. The National Guardsmen refused to shoot at the people, and some of them even went over to the side of the rebels. The frightened king already announced on February 23 that he was ready to dismiss his ministers and create a new government of reform supporters. But a huge crowd surrounded the royal palace, demanding that Louis Philippe go “follow Charles X,” that is, go to England.

The king did so, before leaving, abdicating the throne in favor of his grandson Henry, Count of Paris. But this did not suit the rebels. They burst into the meeting room of the Chamber of Deputies and, threatening to use force, achieved the creation of a republican government. In France, the Second Republic was again proclaimed.

What were the causes of the February Revolution of 1848 in France? How did they differ from the causes of the July Revolution of 1830? What were their similarities?

Soon, universal suffrage was introduced (for men over 21 years of age), which did not exist in any country at that time. All previous restrictions on democratic freedoms were lifted.

Revolutionary worker

The new government opened major cities national workshops for the unemployed, where they received a small but guaranteed payment for their work. To achieve this, the government was forced to increase taxes, the full burden of which fell on peasants and other small owners. The peasants, dissatisfied with the increased tax burden, believed that they were trying to feed the Parisian slackers at their expense. However, the government found it unaffordable to maintain national workshops. They had to lower the pay, then reduce the number of working days, and on June 21 the workshops were closed. The cities were filled with crowds of dissatisfied people who again became unemployed.

On June 23-26, an uprising broke out in Paris. To suppress it, troops led by the Minister of War, General Louis Cavagnac, were brought into the city. The rebels disobeyed orders to disperse, and troops attacked their main strongholds. Several thousand people died. After the uprising was suppressed, the authorities closed radical newspapers, clubs and societies. Some of the begun bourgeois-democratic reforms were suspended. The workers turned their backs on the Second Republic.

Raising of the French national flag (1848)

The bourgeoisie and other owners, including peasants, frightened by the uprising, hoped for protection from a “strong hand.” The Republicans achieved the creation of the post of president of the state, which was endowed with very broad powers and was supposed to ensure order and lawfulness in the country. Based on the American experience, the Republicans believed that France needed its George Washington, in whose role they saw General Cavaignac. But, as the elections showed, ordinary French thought differently.

Parisian with republican flag

In December 1848, on the basis of universal suffrage, popular elections for the President of the French Republic were held. He became the nephew of Napoleon I, 40-year-old Prince Louis Bonaparte (1808–1873). He was supported mainly by peasants, workers, the urban lower classes and part of the petty bourgeoisie. They hoped that the president would restore the country's former greatness and show the same attention to the needs of ordinary Frenchmen as his famous uncle.

What was the role of the different layers of French society (proletariat, bourgeoisie, peasantry) in the revolution of 1848?

Revolution in Germany

The old aristocracy could no longer find a place for itself in the new Europe, in which industrial production was spreading, new social classes were strengthening and new ideas were being established.

Revolutions of 1830 and 1848 in France gave rise to a kind of revolutionary waves that swept across Europe. A powerful movement for national liberation and unification arose in Germany, Italy, and the countries of Central Europe. One of the reasons for revolutionary uprisings was the economic crisis of 1847, which led to a deterioration in the situation masses, as well as crop failure that affected several countries, including Germany.

In a number of German cities, crowds of hungry people destroyed shops and food warehouses in order to seize food. In the Rhineland (which belonged to Prussia), which was the most developed among the German lands, serious unrest was noted in March 1848. In Cologne, the main city of the region, the urban lower classes demanded immediate democratic reforms.

In March 1848, demonstrations demanding reforms began in the Prussian capital Berlin, and clashes between citizens and the army and police occurred. Frightened by the tense situation, the King of Prussia, Frederick William IV, announced the imminent introduction of a constitution and the abolition of censorship in the press. But this led to a bloody skirmish at the royal palace: some Berliners came there to express support for the monarch, while others came to present new demands to the king. As a result, the guards opened fire on the crowd. Street fighting began (March 18–19), in which approximately 200 people died.

The Prussian king made concessions: a bourgeois-liberal government was appointed, and in December 1848 a Constitution was introduced, which, while generally preserving the privileges of the nobility, granted some rights to the bourgeoisie.

One of the main popular demands there was a unification of Germany, fragmented into several dozen states. During the revolution, the first all-German parliament was created in Frankfurt am Main. Its deputies adopted the German Constitution in 1849 and invited the Prussian king to lead the united country. But Frederick William IV did not want to accept the imperial crown from the hands of the parliament created by the revolution. In addition, Austria, the largest of the German states, resolutely opposed the supremacy of Prussia. The rulers of the small German states, who only verbally supported the unification of the country, did not want to part with their power.

Shooting of demonstrators in Berlin

The failure of German unification “from above” caused armed uprisings by radicals, but they were brutally suppressed with the participation of Prussian troops. A reactionary offensive began throughout Germany. The All-German Parliament, which moved to Stuttgart, was dispersed. In Prussia itself, the king dissolved parliament and abolished universal suffrage, giving an advantage to the propertied sections of the population in elections. According to the new Constitution (1850), the king's power was significantly increased.

Was it possible to achieve the unification of Germany without revolution? What hindered the unification process in this country?

The German revolution was defeated. Revolutionary uprisings in a number of German lands led only to decorative (i.e., purely external) changes. It was not possible to unite Germany through parliamentary means. The German bourgeoisie was not yet as strong as, for example, the French. Therefore, she was unable to lead a spontaneous popular protest and force the authorities to make the necessary concessions under the conditions of that time.

Revolution in Austria

The revolutionary unrest in the Austrian Empire was more violent and controversial. Its composition by that time included the most various peoples. Along with the Slavic peoples (Czechs, Poles, Croats, Slovenes), the population of the “patchwork empire” included Hungarians, Italians, and Romanians. By the middle of the 19th century. Of the 37 million inhabitants of the empire, only 7 million people (19%) were Austrians (Germans) themselves. To the internal contradictions common to most European countries (between the dying feudal structure and the new bourgeois) in the Austrian Empire was added national problem. The desire of many peoples of the Habsburg Empire, subjected to national oppression, was to separate from it and create their own states.

An echo of the revolutionary events in Paris was the unrest in Vienna that broke out in March 1848. Troops were sent against the disgruntled Austrians, but it was not immediately possible to pacify the people. The Emperor approved the Constitution and convened a parliament, but it did not make any important decisions. At the beginning of October 1848, an uprising occurred in Vienna. Emperor Ferdinand I fled the capital with his court. But by the end of October, the Viennese uprising was brutally suppressed by the troops of Field Marshal Alfred Windischgrätz. Events showed the weakness of the weak-willed emperor, and in December 1848 he was forced to abdicate in favor of his 18-year-old nephew.

The new Emperor Franz Joseph I (1830–1916) suspended the Austrian Constitution and dissolved parliament. The massacre of the revolutionaries began. The authorities refused to make any concessions to national movements. All Austrian imperial territories, including Italy, Hungary and Slavic lands, were declared a single, indivisible constitutional monarchy.

Revolutions in the Czech Republic and Hungary

Events in Vienna stirred up the peoples of the Austrian Empire. In June 1848, the Slavic Congress opened in Prague, demanding the creation of a unified Slavic state. Following this, an armed uprising broke out in the city, suppressed by Austrian troops. But the most serious events took place in Hungary, which was also under the rule of the Austrian emperor.

Attempts by the Austrian authorities to deprive Hungary of the remnants of self-government and introduce martial law there caused a rise in the national movement of the Hungarians. It was headed by the leader of the noble opposition La?josh Ko?shut. The State Assembly of Hungary carried out a number of anti-feudal reforms: corvee was abolished, and the peasants were given land. In April 1849, the independence of Hungary was proclaimed, but the Austrian emperor did not recognize it and accused the Hungarians of rebellion.

Declaration of Hungarian independence

At the same time, the new Hungarian government refused to make concessions to the peoples that were part of Hungary (Croats, Serbs, Romanians, etc.). While themselves experiencing national oppression from the Austrian Habsburg monarchy, the Hungarians at the same time sought to dominate other peoples. Therefore, in the fight against the Hungarian revolution, the emperor was able to use the discontent of many European peoples national policy Hungarians In particular, the troops of the Croatian ban (i.e., ruler) Josip Elačić actively participated in it.

The threat to national independence from the imperial troops led to the unity of the Hungarian nation. The revolutionary troops led by Kossuth inflicted a number of serious defeats on the enemy. As a result, Kossuth received unlimited powers as the ruler of the country.

The Austrian monarchy was on the verge of collapse. Help for Franz Joseph I came from Russia. Emperor Nicholas I sent an army of 150,000 to Hungary. Russian troops defeated the Hungarian army and in August 1849 forced it to capitulate. The Hungarian revolution was defeated, its active participants were executed. Self-government in Hungary was eliminated, and the Austrian administration regained full power in the country.

Why did the Austrian Empire manage to maintain its unity even during the period of the revolutionary movement?

The revolution in the Austrian Empire was defeated. (An attempt to unite Italy by revolutionary means in 1848–1849 also ended in failure.) But, as in Germany, it led to some strengthening of the capitalist system through moderate reforms.

Let's sum it up

European revolutions failed. None of them achieved their goal. Monarchies either withstood the blow of the revolutionary masses or were restored (as happened in France). The peoples' struggle for national liberation was unsuccessful. Nevertheless, Europe became different after the revolutions. In most countries, a constitutional system was established, seigneurial duties of peasants were finally eliminated, and the bourgeoisie gained access to power.

(Lajos Kossuth)

1. Were there any European revolutions in 1848–1849? simply an echo of the revolution of 1848 in France or an independent phenomenon?

2. Compare the revolutions of 1848–1849. in Germany, Austria, Hungary according to their objectives and results. What were the similarities and differences between them?

3. What role did the national question play in revolutionary events? Why do you think it became so acute in Europe in the mid-19th century?

1*. Minister public works French government, created in February 1848, G. Marie said that national workshops “will prove to the workers the emptiness and absurdity of theories that are not applicable to life and will force them to experience their destructive consequences.”

Remember what theories we are talking about. Why were national workshops called upon to prove the “emptiness and nonsense” of these theories?

2. After the unrest in Berlin, the King of Prussia issued a manifesto on March 19, 1848, in which he accused “a gang of evil people, mostly foreigners,” of organizing the unrest. This “gang,” the king asserted, “generated in the ardent souls of my faithful and dear Berliners the idea of ​​vengeance for innocently shed blood, which is why they themselves turned out to be the perpetrators of the bloodshed.”

Find out which foreigners the king is mentioning. Events in which country influenced the beginning of performances in Berlin? Is it correct to explain the beginning of the revolution in Germany only as a conspiracy of a group of people?

2. Revolution of 1848-1849