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What caused the 1917 revolution? Literary and historical notes of a young technician

The October Revolution of 1917 in Russia was the armed overthrow of the Provisional Government and the coming to power of the Bolshevik Party, which proclaimed the establishment of Soviet power, the beginning of the elimination of capitalism and the transition to socialism. The slowness and inconsistency of the actions of the Provisional Government after the February bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1917 in resolving labor, agrarian, and national issues, the continued participation of Russia in the First World War led to a deepening of the national crisis and created the preconditions for the strengthening of far-left parties in the center and nationalist parties in the outskirts countries. The Bolsheviks acted most energetically, proclaiming a course towards a socialist revolution in Russia, which they considered the beginning of the world revolution. They put forward popular slogans: “Peace to the peoples,” “Land to the peasants,” “Factories to the workers.”

In the USSR the official version October revolution there was a version of “two revolutions”. According to this version, the bourgeois-democratic revolution began in February 1917 and was completely completed in the coming months, and the October Revolution was the second, socialist revolution.

The second version was put forward by Leon Trotsky. While already abroad, he wrote a book about the unified revolution of 1917, in which he defended the concept that the October Revolution and the decrees adopted by the Bolsheviks in the first months after coming to power were only the completion of the bourgeois-democratic revolution, the implementation of what the insurgent people fought for in February.

The Bolsheviks put forward a version of a spontaneous increase " revolutionary situation". The very concept of a "revolutionary situation" and its main features was the first to scientifically define and introduce into Russian historiography Vladimir Lenin. He named the following three objective factors as its main features: the crisis of the “tops,” the crisis of the “bottoms,” and the extraordinary activity of the masses.

The situation that arose after the formation of the Provisional Government was characterized by Lenin as “dual power”, and by Trotsky as “dual anarchy”: the socialists in the Soviets could rule, but did not want to, the “progressive bloc” in the government wanted to rule, but could not, finding themselves forced to rely on Petrograd a council with which it disagreed on all issues of domestic and foreign policy.

Some domestic and foreign researchers adhere to the version of “German financing” of the October Revolution. It lies in the fact that the German government, interested in Russia’s exit from the war, purposefully organized the move from Switzerland to Russia of representatives of the radical faction of the RSDLP led by Lenin in the so-called “sealed carriage” and financed the activities of the Bolsheviks aimed at undermining the combat effectiveness of the Russian army and disorganization of the defense industry and transport.

To lead the armed uprising, a Politburo was created, which included Vladimir Lenin, Leon Trotsky, Joseph Stalin, Andrei Bubnov, Grigory Zinoviev, Lev Kamenev (the latter two denied the need for an uprising). The direct leadership of the uprising was carried out by the Military Revolutionary Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, which also included the Left Social Revolutionaries.

Chronicle of the events of the October Revolution

On the afternoon of October 24 (November 6), the cadets tried to open bridges across the Neva in order to cut off the working areas from the center. The Military Revolutionary Committee (MRC) sent detachments of the Red Guard and soldiers to the bridges, who took almost all the bridges under guard. By evening, soldiers of the Kexholm Regiment occupied the Central Telegraph, a detachment of sailors took possession of the Petrograd Telegraph Agency, and soldiers of the Izmailovsky Regiment took control of the Baltic Station. Revolutionary units blocked the Pavlovsk, Nikolaev, Vladimir, and Konstantinovsky cadet schools.

On the evening of October 24, Lenin arrived in Smolny and directly took charge of the leadership of the armed struggle.

At 1:25 a.m. on the nights of October 24 to 25 (November 6 to 7), the Red Guards of the Vyborg region, soldiers of the Kexholm regiment and revolutionary sailors occupied the Main Post Office.

At 2 a.m. the first company of the 6th reserve engineer battalion captured the Nikolaevsky (now Moskovsky) station. At the same time, a detachment of the Red Guard occupied the Central Power Plant.

On October 25 (November 7) at about 6 o'clock in the morning, sailors of the Guards naval crew took possession of the State Bank.

At 7 a.m., soldiers of the Kexholm Regiment occupied the Central Telephone Station. At 8 o'clock. Red Guards of the Moscow and Narva regions captured the Warsaw station.

At 2:35 p.m. An emergency meeting of the Petrograd Soviet opened. The Council heard a message that the Provisional Government had been overthrown and state power had passed into the hands of the body of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

On the afternoon of October 25 (November 7), revolutionary forces occupied the Mariinsky Palace, where the Pre-Parliament was located, and dissolved it; sailors occupied the Military Port and the Main Admiralty, where the Naval Headquarters was arrested.

By 18:00 the revolutionary detachments began to move towards the Winter Palace.

On October 25 (November 7) at 21:45, following a signal from the Peter and Paul Fortress, a gun shot rang out from the cruiser Aurora, and the assault on the Winter Palace began.

At 2 a.m. on October 26 (November 8), armed workers, soldiers of the Petrograd garrison and sailors of the Baltic Fleet, led by Vladimir Antonov-Ovseenko, occupied the Winter Palace and arrested the Provisional Government.

On October 25 (November 7), following the victory of the uprising in Petrograd, which was almost bloodless, armed struggle began in Moscow. In Moscow, the revolutionary forces met extremely fierce resistance, and stubborn battles took place on the streets of the city. At the cost of great sacrifices (about 1,000 people were killed during the uprising), Soviet power was established in Moscow on November 2 (15).

On the evening of October 25 (November 7), 1917, the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies opened. The congress heard and adopted the appeal “To Workers, Soldiers and Peasants” written by Lenin, which announced the transfer of power to the Second Congress of Soviets, and locally to the Councils of Workers, Soldiers and Peasants’ Deputies.

On October 26 (November 8), 1917, the Decree on Peace and the Decree on Land were adopted. The congress formed the first Soviet government - the Council of People's Commissars, consisting of: Chairman Lenin; People's Commissars: for foreign affairs Leon Trotsky, for nationalities Joseph Stalin and others. Lev Kamenev was elected Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, and after his resignation Yakov Sverdlov.

The Bolsheviks established control over the main industrial centers of Russia. The leaders of the Cadet Party were arrested, and the opposition press was banned. In January 1918 it was dispersed constituent Assembly, by March of the same year Soviet authority was installed over a large territory of Russia. All banks and enterprises were nationalized, and a separate truce was concluded with Germany. In July 1918, the first Soviet Constitution was adopted.

Plan

Revolution of 1917 in Russia

February Revolution

Policy of the Provisional Government

From February to October

October Revolution

The Bolsheviks came to power

II Congress of Soviets

Revolution of 1917 in Russia

Russia's entry into the First World War relieved the severity of social contradictions for some time. All segments of the population rallied around the government in a single patriotic impulse. The defeat at the front in the fight against Germany, the worsening situation of the people caused by the war, gave rise to mass discontent.

The situation was aggravated by the economic crisis that emerged in 1915-1916. Industry, rebuilt on a war footing, generally provided for the needs of the front. However, its one-sided development led to the fact that the rear suffered from a shortage of consumer goods. The consequence of this was an increase in prices and an increase in inflation: the purchasing power of the ruble fell to 27 kopecks. Fuel and transport crises developed. The capacity of the railways did not ensure military transportation and uninterrupted delivery of food to the city. The food crisis turned out to be especially acute. The peasants, not receiving the necessary industrial goods, refused to supply the products of their farms to the market. Bread lines appeared for the first time in Russia. Speculation flourished. The defeat of Russia on the fronts of the First World War dealt a significant blow to public consciousness. The population is tired of the protracted war. Worker strikes and peasant unrest grew. At the front, fraternization with the enemy and desertion became more frequent. Revolutionary agitators used all the government's mistakes to discredit the ruling elite. The Bolsheviks wanted the defeat of the tsarist government and called on the people to turn the war from an imperialist one into a civil one.

The liberal opposition intensified. The confrontation between the State Duma and the government intensified. The basis of the June Third political system, cooperation between bourgeois parties and the autocracy, collapsed. Speech by N.N. Miliukov on November 4, 1916, with sharp criticism of the policies of the tsar and ministers, marked the beginning of an “accusatory” campaign in the Fourth State Duma. The “Progressive Bloc” - an inter-parliamentary coalition of the majority of Duma factions - demanded the creation of a government of “people's trust” responsible to the Duma. However, Nicholas II rejected this proposal.

Nicholas II was catastrophically losing authority in society due to “Rasputinism,” the unceremonious intervention of Tsarina Alexander Feodorovna in state affairs and his inept actions as Supreme Commander-in-Chief. By the winter of 1916-1917. All segments of the Russian population realized the inability of the tsarist government to overcome the political and economic crisis.

February revolution.

At the beginning of 1917, disruptions in food supplies to the big cities Russia. By mid-February, 90 thousand Petrograd workers went on strike due to a shortage of speculative bread and rising prices. On February 18, workers from the Putilov plant joined them. The administration announced its closure. This was the reason for the start of mass protests in the capital.

On February 23 (new style - March 8), workers took to the streets of Petrograd with the slogans “Bread!”, “Down with war!”, “Down with autocracy!” Their political demonstration marked the beginning of the Revolution. On February 25, the strike in Petrograd became general. Demonstrations and rallies did not stop.

On the evening of February 25, Nicholas II, who was in Mogilev, sent the commander of the Petrograd Military District S.S. A telegram to Khabalov with a categorical demand to stop the unrest. Attempts by the authorities to use troops did not produce a positive effect; the soldiers refused to shoot at the people. However, officers and police killed more than 150 people on February 26th. In response, the guards of the Pavlovsk regiment, supporting the workers, opened fire on the police.

Chairman of the Duma M.V. Rodzianko warned Nicholas II that the government was paralyzed and "there is anarchy in the capital." To prevent the development of the revolution, he insisted on the immediate creation of a new government headed by a statesman who enjoyed the trust of society. However, the king rejected his proposal.

Moreover, he and the Council of Ministers decided to interrupt the meeting of the Duma and dissolve it for the holidays. Nicholas II sent troops to suppress the revolution, but a small detachment of General N.I. Ivanov was detained and not allowed into the capital.

On February 27, the mass transition of soldiers to the side of the workers, their seizure of the arsenal and the Peter and Paul Fortress, marked the victory of the revolution.

The arrests of tsarist ministers and the formation of new government bodies began. On the same day in factories and military units, based on the experience of 1905, when the first organs of workers’ political power were born, elections were held to the Petrograd Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies. An Executive Committee was elected to manage its activities. The Menshevik N.S. became the chairman. Chkheidze, his deputy - Socialist Revolutionary A.F. Kepensky. The Executive Committee took upon itself the maintenance of public order and the supply of food to the population. On February 27, at a meeting of leaders of Duma factions, it was decided to form a Provisional Committee of the State Duma headed by M.V. Rodzianko. The task of the committee was “Restoring state and public order” and creating a new government. The temporary committee took control of all ministries.

On February 28, Nicholas II left Headquarters for Tsarskoye Selo, but was detained on the way by revolutionary troops. He had to turn to Pskov, to the headquarters of the northern front. After consultation with the front commanders, he became convinced that there was no force to suppress the revolution. On March 2, Nicholas signed a Manifesto abdicating the throne for himself and his son Alexei in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. However, when Duma deputies A.I. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin brought the text of the Manifesto to Petrograd, it became clear that the people did not want a monarchy. On March 3, Mikhail abdicated the throne, declaring that the future fate of the political system in Russia should be decided by the Constituent Assembly. The 300-year rule of classes and parties ended.

The bourgeoisie, a significant part of the wealthy intelligentsia (about 4 million people) relied on economic power, education, experience in participating in political life and managing government institutions. They sought to prevent the further development of the revolution, stabilize the socio-political situation and strengthen their property. The working class (18 million people) consisted of urban and rural proletarians. They managed to feel their political strength, were predisposed to revolutionary agitation and were ready to defend their rights with weapons. They fought for the introduction of an 8-hour working day, a guarantee of employment, and increased wages. Factory committees spontaneously arose in cities. To establish workers' control over production and resolve disputes with entrepreneurs.

The peasantry (30 million people) demanded the destruction of large private land properties and the transfer of land to those who cultivate it. Local land committees and village assemblies were created in the villages, which made decisions on the redistribution of land. Relations between peasants and landowners were extremely tense.

The extreme right (monarchists, Black Hundreds) suffered a complete collapse after the February revolution.

Cadets from the opposition party became the ruling party, initially occupying key positions in the provisional government. They stood for turning Russia into a parliamentary republic. On the agrarian issue, they still advocated the purchase by the state and peasants of the landowners' lands.

The Social Revolutionaries are the most massive party. The revolutionaries proposed turning Russia into a federal republic of free nations.

The Mensheviks, the second largest and most influential party, advocated the creation of a democratic republic.

The Bolsheviks took extreme left positions. In March, the party leadership was ready to cooperate with other social forces. However, after V.I. Lenin returned from immigration, the “April Theses” program was adopted.

Is the year a historical accident? You need to understand that this question breaks down into three: were they inevitable in Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century; whether a new revolution was inevitable or highly likely after the events of 1905-1907; and how accidental was the emergence of the revolution precisely at the beginning of the year. First of all, the question arises: was it possible to bypass the revolution in Russia altogether?

It is known that some countries managed to do without revolutionary upheavals during modernization, that is, during the transition from a traditional agrarian society to an industrialized urbanized one. But this is the exception rather than the rule. In order for it to be possible to avoid revolution, a group of reformers must be formed in the ruling classes, capable of not only carrying out elaborate reforms ahead of the curve - as a rule, in a deteriorating social situation - but also overcoming the selfishness of the ruling strata. And this happens very rarely. Historians are vigorously discussing whether Russia could have done without revolution. Some point to the successes of modernization, others to its social costs.

Moreover, even the successes of modernization can lead to revolution, because the transition from a traditional agrarian society to an industrial urban society is always painful. Many people are losing their usual living conditions, old problems are exacerbating and new ones are being added. The decomposition of old social strata occurs faster than the possibility of their adaptation to new living conditions becomes possible. New social strata are also formed unevenly—the system of industrial society does not take shape in its entirety all at once.

And taking into account the fact that the old layers are not going to simply give up their positions and change their way of life, the situation becomes even more tense. The speed and effectiveness of overcoming this crisis depend on how quickly the socio-economic and socio-political structure changes: how industry and cities grow, capable of employing everyone higher percentage population; Is vertical mobility in the elite, the feedback between the authorities and different social strata, including both the majority of workers and the new middle strata - the intelligentsia, technocracy - facilitated? At first glance, the future of Russia was optimistic due to relatively rapid industrial growth. However, with other modernization conditions the situation was worse.

Successes in Russia's modernization late XIX- beginning of the twentieth century. were limited, on the one hand, by the inconsistency of the reform of 1861, and on the other, by the peripheral place of the Russian economy in the global division of labor. From time to time, part of the peasantry and urban population found themselves in a situation of famine - in the event of either shortage of food or temporary loss of sources of income. At the beginning of the twentieth century. The transition to an industrial society accumulated “fuel” for a social explosion, and the ruling elite was not ready for serious transformations. So, in one form or another, revolution at the beginning of the twentieth century. was inevitable. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the main crises facing the country were commonly called “issues.”

The main reasons for the outbreak of revolutions in 1905 and 1917 were: labor and agrarian issues have become, burdened by the lack of effective feedback between government and society (the problem of autocracy). The crisis of interethnic relations (“national question”) also played a major role. Revolution 1905-1907 and subsequent reforms did not resolve these contradictions sufficiently to prevent a new revolution, the task of which was to resolve these “issues” one way or another. The peasants' lack of land was not preserved in the villages; the peasants looked for work in the city, driving down prices work force. The discontent of the urban lower strata was combined with the protest of the middle strata, primarily the intelligentsia, against the bureaucratic and aristocratic order.

The Stolypin reforms that followed the revolution of 1905-1907 were based on the need to preserve both landownership and the broad powers of the emperor and his officials. These reforms could neither solve the problem of the acute shortage of land among peasants associated with the landowner system and low labor productivity in the countryside, nor cope with the social consequences of the agrarian crisis in the city. As a result of the revolutionary events of 1905, the State Duma was created, but the powers of even this representative body, elected on an unequal basis, were too small to change the situation. The insignificance of opportunities to influence the policy of the imperial bureaucracy irritated part of the political elite and the social forces behind them, primarily the middle urban strata.

The emperor's entourage was subjected to sharp criticism in the press. The authority of the autocracy was undermined by both the tragedy of “Bloody Sunday” on January 9, 1905, and the more fundamental process of desacralization of the monarchy in the process of education and modernization of culture. In 1909, after a long depression, economic recovery began in Russia. But it was associated with the cyclical recovery of the world economy. Such booms usually last only a few years and then give way to new crises. Thus, the consequences of the revolution of 1905-1907. did not guarantee the further evolutionary development of Russia, and a new revolution was very likely and most likely inevitable. But great importance had a “choice” of the time for the start of a new revolution. The revolution could have occurred in peace if it had not erupted in 1914 World War. Obviously, in this case it would be a different revolution.

Russia would have a better chance of avoiding a large-scale civil war. The protracted war became a revolutionary factor. It is no coincidence that for Germany, Austria-Hungary and Russia the war ended in revolution. You can talk as much as you like about such “reasons” for the revolution as the intrigues of the opposition and the machinations of enemy spies, but all this also happened in France and Great Britain, and there were no revolutions there. However, Russia differs from Germany in that it was in a coalition of potential winners, such as Italy. After the war, Italy also experienced destabilization social system, but not as intense as in Russia, Germany and the heirs of Austria-Hungary. Thus, the possibility of a more moderate revolution depended on whether the Russian Empire could “hold out” until the end of the war.

First World War 1914-1918 destabilized the financial system, and transport disruptions began. Due to the departure of millions of peasants to the front Agriculture reduced food production in conditions when it was necessary to feed not only the city, but also the front. The military budget reached 25 billion rubles in 1916 and was covered by state revenues, internal and external loans, but 8 billion was not enough. Prohibition also dealt a blow to the budget. We had to print more money for both purposes, causing prices to rise. By 1917 they had more than doubled.

It was destabilizing economic system and increased social tension in cities. There was a decline in the standard of living of workers. The imperial bureaucracy could not solve these most complex problems. The military burden on the economy as a whole was too heavy. Already in 1916, before the start of the revolution, there was a decline in production in a number of industrial sectors. Thus, the productivity of Donbass miners decreased from 960 poods per month in the first half of 1914 to 474 poods at the beginning of 1917. Iron smelting in the south of Russia decreased from 16.4 million poods in October 1916 to 9.6 million poods in February 1917. Characteristically, after the start of the revolution in May 1917, it grew to 13 million poods. The production of consumer products was reduced, as industrial capacities were loaded with military orders.

The production of basic necessities fell by 11.2% compared to 1913. Transport could not withstand the load. In 1913-1916. loading increased from 58 thousand to 91.1 thousand cars per day. The growth of carriage production lagged behind, although it also grew (in 1913-1915 - from 13,801 to 23,486). The shortage of wagons led to problems with the supply of raw materials for industry and food to the cities and to the front. At the same time, the front consumed 250-300 million poods of 1.3-2 billion poods of boiled bread. This shook the food market. But at the end of 1916, the supply of food for the army was 61% of the norm, and in February 1917 - 42%. Moreover, after heavy losses 1915-1916 Masses of recruits who were not prepared for army life entered the army. The barracks “reforging of characters” was painful, and the popularity of the war fell; the goals of the endless “slaughter” were incomprehensible to the broad masses of the population.

The soldiers who had fought since 1914 were already extremely tired of the trenches. By 1917, more than a million soldiers had deserted from the army. At the beginning of 1916, “censors noted a sharp increase in anti-war sentiment among soldiers. The enormous losses in the war—about a million killed alone—had a demoralizing effect on the population of Russia. The tsarist officials tried to fight the food crisis, but this only made things worse. On September 9, 1916, fixed food prices were introduced. When preparing this measure, contradictions emerged between consumers and food producers. Moreover, according to the Minister of Agriculture A. Rittich, “completely unexpectedly” for the government, “contrasting interests of producers and consumers” arose.

From now on, these “oppositions” will be one of the most important features of the country’s development. Prices were set somewhat lower than market prices, which naturally increased the shortage. Requisitions of food in favor of the army alerted the owners of food stocks. The ministry was able to create a relatively small reserve of 85 million poods with difficulty. On November 29, 1916, the government introduced food allocation, that is, mandatory standards for the delivery of bread at fixed prices for the regions.

But the state apparatus was unable to effectively implement this policy. The government did not have an apparatus for confiscating grain, and grain traders were in no hurry to sell it at fixed prices. There was no apparatus for distributing the harvested bread. Officials jealously fought with the zemstvo people and city government, instead of relying on them. A fair share of disorganization was brought about by the militarization of administration in the front-line provinces. In 1914, food prices rose by 16%, in 1915 by 53%, and by the end of 1916 they were 200% of pre-war prices.

The cost of housing in cities rose even faster. It seriously worsened social status the urban lower classes, including workers, whose real wages fell by 9-25%. For low-wage workers, high prices were a real disaster. In conditions of inflation, workers could not save money for a rainy day, which put the family on the brink of disaster in the event of dismissal. Moreover, according to Working group The Central Military-Industrial Committee (TsVPK) usually extended the working day to 12 hours, or even more (plus compulsory Sunday work). Work week increased by 50%. Overexertion led to an increase in diseases. All this aggravated the situation in the cities. Already in October 1916, there were serious unrest among the capital’s workers. Management errors and disorganization of transport led to disruptions in food supplies to large cities.

There was a shortage of cheap bread in the capital, and long queues – “tails” – formed for it. At the same time, it was possible to buy more expensive bread and confectionery. But the workers did not have sufficient income to purchase them. On February 22, a lockout occurred at the Putilov plant in Petrograd. The socialist agitation dedicated to the International Working Women’s Day on February 23 also played a role in the beginning of the unrest (hereinafter until February 14, 1918, dates are given according to Julian calendar, unless otherwise stated). On this day, strikes and demonstrations of workers began in the capital, accompanied by the destruction of bakeries and clashes with the police.

That this happened on February 23 was an accident, but the reasons for the unrest were deep, and they high degree probabilities would have happened earlier or later. Thus, both due to long-term systemic reasons and due to the circumstances of the world war, it was almost impossible to avoid a revolution. If such a minimal chance existed, the authorities did not take advantage of it and reduced it to nothing.

Literature: Buldakov V.P. Red Troubles: The nature and consequences of revolutionary violence. M., 2010; The State Duma. 1906-1917. Verbatim reports. M., 1995; Leiberov I.P., Rudachenko S.D. Revolution and bread. M., 1990; Küng P. A. Economic mobilization and private business in Russia during the First World War. M., 2012; Mironov B.N. Welfare of the population and revolutions in imperial Russia: XVIII - early twentieth centuries. M., 2010; About the causes of the Russian Revolution. M., 2010; Shubin A.V. The Great Russian Revolution: from February to October 1917. M., 2014.

Shubin A.V. The Great Russian Revolution. 10 questions. - M.: 2017. - 46 p.

1917 was a year of upheaval and revolution in Russia, and its finale came on the night of October 25, when all power passed to the Soviets. What are the causes, course, results of the Great October Socialist Revolution - these and other questions of history are in the center of our attention today.

Causes

Many historians argue that the events that occurred in October 1917 were inevitable and at the same time unexpected. Why? Inevitable, because by this time in Russian Empire a certain situation arose that predetermined the further course of history. This was due to a number of reasons:

Results of the February Revolution : she was greeted with unprecedented delight and enthusiasm, which soon turned into the opposite - bitter disappointment. Indeed, the performance of the revolutionary-minded “lower classes” - soldiers, workers and peasants - led to a serious shift - the overthrow of the monarchy. But this is where the achievements of the revolution ended. The expected reforms were “hanging in the air”: the longer the Provisional Government postponed consideration of pressing problems, the faster discontent in society grew;
Overthrow of the monarchy : March 2 (15), 1917 Russian Emperor Nicholas II signed the abdication of the throne. However, the question of form government in Russia - a monarchy or a republic, remained open. The Provisional Government decided to consider it during the next convocation of the Constituent Assembly. Such uncertainty could only lead to one thing - anarchy, which is what happened.
The mediocre policy of the Provisional Government : the slogans under which the February Revolution took place, its aspirations and achievements were actually buried by the actions of the Provisional Government: Russia’s participation in the First World War continued; a majority vote in the government blocked land reform and the reduction of the working day to 8 hours; autocracy was not abolished;
Russian participation in the First World War: any war is an extremely costly undertaking. It literally “sucks” all the juice out of the country: people, production, money - everything goes to support it. The First World War was no exception, and Russia's participation in it undermined the country's economy. After the February Revolution, the Provisional Government did not retreat from its obligations to the allies. But discipline in the army had already been undermined, and widespread desertion began in the army.
Anarchy: already in the name of the government of that period - the Provisional Government, the spirit of the times can be traced - order and stability were destroyed, and they were replaced by anarchy - anarchy, lawlessness, confusion, spontaneity. This was manifested in all spheres of the country’s life: an autonomous government was formed in Siberia, which was not subordinate to the capital; Finland and Poland declared independence; in the villages, peasants were engaged in unauthorized redistribution of land, burning landowners' estates; the government was mainly engaged in the struggle with the Soviets for power; the disintegration of the army and many other events;
The rapid growth of influence of the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies : During the February Revolution, the Bolshevik party was not one of the most popular. But over time, this organization becomes the main political player. Their populist slogans about an immediate end to the war and reforms found great support among embittered workers, peasants, soldiers and police. Not the least was the role of Lenin as the creator and leader of the Bolshevik Party, which carried out the October Revolution of 1917.

Rice. 1. Mass strikes in 1917

Stages of the uprising

Before speaking briefly about the 1917 revolution in Russia, it is necessary to answer the question about the suddenness of the uprising itself. The fact is that the actual dual power in the country - the Provisional Government and the Bolsheviks - should have ended with some kind of explosion and subsequent victory for one of the parties. Therefore, the Soviets began preparing to seize power back in August, and at that time the government was preparing and taking measures to prevent it. But the events that happened on the night of October 25, 1917 came as a complete surprise to the latter. The consequences of the establishment of Soviet power also became unpredictable.

Back on October 16, 1917, the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party made a fateful decision - to prepare for an armed uprising.

On October 18, the Petrograd garrison refused to submit to the Provisional Government, and already on October 21, representatives of the garrison declared their subordination to the Petrograd Soviet, as the only representative of legitimate power in the country. Starting from October 24, key points in Petrograd - bridges, train stations, telegraphs, banks, power plants and printing houses - were captured by the Military Revolutionary Committee. On the morning of October 25, the Provisional Government held only one object - the Winter Palace. Despite this, at 10 o'clock in the morning of the same day, an appeal was issued, which announced that from now on the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was the only body of state power in Russia.

In the evening at 9 o'clock, a blank shot from the cruiser Aurora signaled the start of the assault on the Winter Palace and on the night of October 26, members of the Provisional Government were arrested.

Rice. 2. The streets of Petrograd on the eve of the uprising

Results

As you know, history does not like the subjunctive mood. It is impossible to say what would have happened if this or that event had not occurred and vice versa. Everything that happens happens as a result of not a single cause, but of many, which at one moment intersected at one point and revealed the event to the world with all its positive and negative points: Civil War, a huge number of dead, millions who left the country forever, terror, building an industrial power, eliminating illiteracy, free education, medical care, building the world's first socialist state and much more. But, speaking about the main significance of the October Revolution of 1917, one thing should be said - it was a profound revolution in the ideology, economy and structure of the state as a whole, which influenced not only the course of history of Russia, but of the whole world.

In the USSR, the official version of the October Revolution was the version of “two revolutions”. According to this version, the bourgeois-democratic revolution began in February 1917 and was completely completed in the coming months, and the October Revolution was the second, socialist revolution.

The Bolsheviks put forward a version of the spontaneous growth of the “revolutionary situation.” The very concept of a “revolutionary situation” and its main features was first scientifically defined and introduced into Russian historiography by Vladimir Lenin. He named the following three objective factors as its main features: the crisis of the “tops,” the crisis of the “bottoms,” and the extraordinary activity of the masses.