Great confrontation and reconciliation. Anniversary match between Karpov and Kasparov was held far from home

The legendary Soviet and Russian chess player, the 12th world champion, gave a frank interview to the SE columnist.

Igor RABINER

We talked in the deputy office of Anatoly Karpov in the State Duma, where he works on the International Affairs Committee. It happened after the blitz tournament for the Region Group Cup, which was patronized by the great chess player. When the conversation ended, we approached a huge map of the Tyumen region, which he represents in the Duma.

“We will soon organize a chess match on the Internet between juvenile delinquents from the Tyumen region and Switzerland,” Karpov amazed, showing on the map which troubled teenagers from which cities would participate in it. I tried to imagine. Imagination failed. But what is beyond the power of a person with whom Soviet - and not only - leaders once considered it an honor to communicate. I don’t think, for example, that in any other corner of Russia you can find more than those 250 schools from the Tyumen region where, thanks to Karpov, chess is taught as a compulsory or additional discipline.

He turned out to be a very sociable, friendly and not at all arrogant person. Well, there’s no need to talk about the sharpness of his memory. Despite the fact that every few minutes he was distracted by some important call, Karpov invariably returned to the place in the conversation where he left off and continued his fascinating story. As a result, we talked for two hours - and I still felt that I had not “finished enough” of this conversation. Even though he sincerely admitted to his interlocutor: in the 80s, being a typical rebellious teenager, in their great confrontation with Garry Kasparov, I rooted for the latter...

Garry KASPAROV. Photo by Alexey IVANOV, "SE"

WE NEEDED TO PUT A BOARD WITH A CLOCK IN KASPAROV'S CHAMBER

I was greatly impressed by the story of how in the mid-2000s you came to Kasparov’s pre-trial detention center, where he was imprisoned for five days for organizing the “March of Dissent.” What made you do this, and how could the police not let you, Karpov, go there? - I ask Karpov.

They didn’t let me in because at the time of my arrival Moscow was left without police generals. Kasparov's punishment seemed overly harsh to me. I went to make sure that Kasparov, at least according to the conditions, was fine there.

- He was surprised?

Yes. But I found out about this only after, because I was not allowed to see him. Just stupidity! On the contrary, it was necessary to launch it - and even put up a board with a clock. Can you imagine a chess match between two world champions in a chamber? This would be shown on TV screens all over the world!

We came there with Vladimir Ryzhkov, he was then a current deputy, but I was not. He was also not allowed into Kasparov’s cell, but was allowed to go into at least administrative building on Petrovka. And they told me: “We can’t let the deputy through, and you, excuse me, don’t have the right.” Although it’s funny - I’ve been in this building, if not hundreds, then dozens of times. In my time, almost every office there had both chess and a clock. And then, completely unexpectedly, there were such obstacles.

Then some colonel came out to me. He said that it was not within his authority to ensure a meeting, and they would decide. After 20-25 minutes, he comes out with Ryzhkov: “We tried to contact the management, but we couldn’t.” That’s why I say that for at least 20 minutes Moscow was left without generals. He took pity: “Why do you need to stand here? Go to the waiting room.” Ryzhkov and I passed. Klara Shagenovna, Kasparov’s mother, was there. We talked to her a little...

- After which, as Kasparov said in an interview, he “greatly softened all the assessments in the book that he was writing then.”

Literally 10 - 15 minutes later the same colonel came and said: “You know, we can’t find the authorities. If you want, wait again.” But I realized that even if I sat there until the evening, there would still be no generals in Moscow. And he decided not to deprive the capital of the police generals ( laughs).

A few days later, you and Kasparov went together to “Echo of Moscow.” Did you have a frank conversation with him?

And we communicated before that, and quite a lot. We played for the same team at the Chess Olympiad. There was no specific conversation, but there was enough contact.

- When you come to the USA, don’t you see Kasparov, who now lives there?

I visited his apartment in New York, it was wonderful. Now I’m not in America much, I have more business at the European UN office. We meet rarely, because both he and I rarely go to chess events. The last time we saw each other was in Norway at the Chess Olympiad (2014 - Note "SE").

- From a creative point of view, are you sorry that he left chess for politics?

In general, he left chess early. Although I recently played in one tournament - and not bad, even good. But Kasparov has such an energetic style that he apparently realized that he no longer had enough energy to play chess at the highest level. And the level below did not suit him. That's why he left chess.

The last Russian championship, which Harry, with great luck, won (in 2004 - Note "SE"), required a lot of strength from him. At least, the fight was very sharp, and I remember that Tseshkovsky lost to him in a completely won position. So his choice may have been forced.

Juan Antonio SAMARNC. Photo "SE"

AT SAMARANCH WE HAVE ALREADY ALREADY ALMOST AGREED ABOUT CHESS AT THE WINTER OLYMPICS

I have long noticed that irreconcilable rivals begin to gravitate towards each other over the years - perhaps realizing the greatness of the rivalry. This is what happened in football between Konstantin Beskov and Valery Lobanovsky. Did you and Kasparov have this feeling, and is the warming in relations connected with it?

Even in the most difficult times, we had an understanding of common tasks. Otherwise, we would not have played on the same team at the Chess Olympiad. We could overcome or temporarily put aside our opposition to the fight for the chess crown and together achieve team success.

And in Lately- and even before I tried to visit him in the pre-trial detention center - we had and still have the same understanding of what can be done in chess and what cannot be done. In general, it is our fault that such a situation has arisen in the chess world. Because world champions have always been guarantors of quality. And they slapped the hands of everyone who tried to get into professional chess and disrupt the system of holding world championships. From time immemorial, world champions have occupied such positions!

The world champions did not usurp power in order to remake some rules in their favor. The confrontation between Alekhine and Capablanca stood apart. Capablanca put serious financial barriers to the match, but Alekhine overcame them and became the world champion. After which he put up the same barriers for Capablanca, and the rematch did not take place.

On the initiative of Botvinnik, when he became world champion, the system was built clearly and clearly. We stood guard over it, developed it and improved it. For our match with Korchnoi in 1978, the set of rules for the world championship match barely fit into a hundred pages. Everything was spelled out there - the obligations of the participants, the organizers, the conditions. And then because of my confrontation with Kasparov, first Campomanes ( ex-president FIDE. - Note "SE") got in with changes, albeit financial and cosmetic ones. And then Ilyumzhinov got in full force. Only because, firstly, we simply didn’t have time to do it. And they took advantage of our differences and lack of a common position. Then she appeared. Now Kasparov and I have the same understanding. In chess, of course. Otherwise, we are completely different.

- And what is your common understanding of the situation in chess?

We understand that no one needs random champions. If a relatively weak person breaks through to the title of world champion, then damage is done to the entire chess movement. Because it is impossible to find money and sponsors for unknown names.

I don’t want to say that Rustam Kasimdzhanov (2004 FIDE world champion. - Note "SE") is a very bad chess player. But he should not have, having become a world champion, allowed himself to get into the open tournament in Germany and end up in 45th place. If you are not confident in yourself, do not go to the start line. And how much money can you raise for Kasimdzhanov’s match with the next contender, if you are 45th in the world?

Is it still possible for chess to be included in the Winter Olympics program?

Under Juan Antonio Samaranch this was already almost guaranteed. And if Ilyumzhinov had rushed, we probably would have made it in time. The Winter Games are not as crowded as the Summer Games, in which, as far as I know, more than 6 thousand athletes now participate. In winter - just over a thousand, it’s easy to fit in there.

But under Jacques Rogg this idea was killed. If not for Russia, Rogge would never have become president of the IOC - but, having become one, he did not fulfill even half of the promises he made to our country. Rogge, I think, did a lot against Russian sports. Under Thomas Bach the situation is better, but the chances are still much less than they were under Samaranch.

I THOUGHT THAT KARYAKIN WAS ALREADY WINNING THE MATCH AGAINST CARLSENS

Why was there a stir around the Carlsen-Karjakin match that was incomparable to anything since your time with Kasparov?

He was with us more than usual because we missed him. Because they haven’t participated in matches for the crown for a long time, even when they were held in Russia. And when Kramnik played with Anand, there was just a decline in interest due to the reform of the world championship system. Since the mid-90s, FIDE has caused enormous damage to the development of chess. For example, by introducing the idiotic Olympic system to determine the title of world champion.

We immediately started saying: let’s hold the World Cup according to the Olympic system, do what you want with it. But world champion is historically the most honorable and important title in the chess world; it cannot be played out in a lottery! The leapfrog was such that not only chess lovers - even I didn’t always remember who the world champion was now!

- Karjakin believes that Carlsen is stronger than Kasparov in his best years. Do you agree?

Don't think. I don’t know whether Carlsen has reached his peak or not, but it seems to me that Magnus has not yet reached the level at which Kasparov and I played.

Many perceive the recent match between Carlsen and Karjakin as a new round of your confrontation with Kasparov. After all, you provided some assistance to the Russian, and Harry to the Norwegian. Do you agree with this interpretation?

Partly. Kasparov and Magnus once worked together, but I think that now he no longer needed his help so much. And Sergei has his own views on preparation. Another thing is that we meet and play - while I am still at such a level to resist. Although he works on chess every day, and I only work on it from meeting to meeting. Previously, we saw each other about once a month, now - once every two or three.

- Does it happen that you beat him?

Of course it happens. Otherwise he wouldn’t be interested, and we wouldn’t have met ( smiling). Not so long ago we played blitz almost on equal terms. By the way, well done for him that soon after the match with Carlsen he pulled himself together and won the World Blitz Championship. I didn't expect this. I thought he was one of the best in this sport, but not the best.

Do you admit that Karjakin missed a chance that could be his only one, and he will turn out to be the Korchnoi of the new generation?

The chance was, of course, amazing. I actually thought that he was already winning the match. Firstly, Carlsen did not play very confidently. In two games, the 4th and 5th, he had a win, in one of them he had a forced win. But he didn’t take advantage of it and apparently got upset. At this moment, Sergei seized the initiative. And to be honest, I don’t understand how I didn’t see the perpetual check in the 10th game.

Is this similar to how you didn’t see a winning move in the last game in Seville in 1987, and thanks to this Kasparov retained the title? And what is the nature of these errors?

I had a lot of time pressure. And terrible fatigue. This was the 24th game. Despite the fact that I spent so much effort finishing the 23rd! There was a long analysis, I hardly slept. Serious attrition has occurred. They couldn’t have this, since the match is much shorter.

Probably Karjakin simply lost concentration for a moment. Although, if I had thought about it a little, I would probably have seen this eternal check. Because Carlsen practically told him that there was a draw option. At some point, Magnus thought for about 40 minutes, which was a very long time for him. And I couldn’t find anything better than to make a natural move. Here Karjakin had to figure out - why would the champion spend 40 minutes thinking about a natural move and making it? So there is something. And he reacted very quickly. AND...

- Karyakin told SE that before he left for New York, you gave him advice that helped. Which?

Why would I reveal them? ( smiling) He still hopes to reach Karslen. By the way, the task is not easy. I think that for him, and for any of the five or six approximately equal chess players, reaching the champion is about as difficult as beating him.

AFTER MEETING WITH FISCHER, THE KGB OPENED A DOSSIER ON ME

I read that thanks to your assistance, Viktor Korchnoi was allowed to travel abroad in 1975, after he had been banned from traveling abroad for a year. Didn't the KGB give you a blow later when he asked for political asylum in Holland?

He later explained that he did not let Karpov down, since he stayed not during the first trip, when I vouched for him, but on the second ( laughs). But there were few pleasant moments. Moreover, at that time I had my own problems.

- Which?

I met with Fischer through Campomanes, without the permission of our leadership, and we tried to agree on organizing the match. And it so happened that our meeting and Korchnoi’s decision happened at the same time. And, it seems, down to minutes. Because I talked with Fischer at seven in the evening in Tokyo, and Korchnoi asked for political asylum in Amsterdam at 10 in the morning. So more important questions arose for me than Korchnoi’s escape.

- Did you call to Lubyanka?

They didn’t call me, but they opened the file.

- Why didn’t you come to an agreement with Fischer?

I think he was not internally tuned in and ready to play.

- Did he communicate normally with you, considering that he was an ideological anti-communist?

Absolutely normal. We spoke English. I immediately realized that two topics should not be discussed with him - the Bolsheviks and the Jews. Everything else is fine.

- By the 21st century, he was completely crazy if he loudly praised Al-Qaeda for the destruction of the Twin Towers?

He said the Americans deserved it. I remember that Fischer wrote an eight- to nine-page article after the police arrested him in Pasadena and kept him in the police station for a whole day. They could not sneeze that there was a great champion in front of them. He didn't like it terribly, and he launched into an article about it.

Did the President of the Russian Chess Federation Andrei Filatov tell the truth that when Fischer was later sent to prison in Japan for a match with Spassky in Yugoslavia during sanctions against that country, Spassky offered to put himself in the same cell with him? And Fischer reacted to this like this: “I don’t need Boris. Better send Alexandra Kosteniuk”?

Honestly I do not know. At first Fischer lived in Hungary, then he was sent to Japan. As far as I know, the Japanese authorities confused him with some kind of repeat offender. The Americans themselves were not happy that the Japanese detained Fisher. Because it’s like a burning coal - you don’t know what to do with it, and there is a risk of being severely scorched ( smiling).

- But Spassky was really ready to sit in the same cell with him?

Spassky treated Fischer very well. And it was mutual. So, it is quite possible that Boris Vasilyevich made such statements.

If Fischer had returned to chess later in the 80s, could he have won the crown? Or it is impossible to maintain strength, for a long time without playing with anyone?

Who knows? Fischer was strong. He would have had a chance.

- I saw him in last years his life?

No. But once I was in Budapest, and at the last moment, before the plane, I was dragged into the Turkish baths. I swam, then sat on the steps of the pool and talked with a friend. Then some Hungarian swims past. Recognized and greeted. He says: “You are sitting in an interesting place. Will you be here for another hour?” - “No, we have to leave in 15-20 minutes.” - “We would meet with Fischer in an hour. He comes here at this time.” But it didn’t happen.

AGREEMENT WITH KORCHNOI: HE DOESN’T SMOKE ME, I DON’T COME BEHIND HIS BACK

The famous phrase from “12 Chairs”: “Lasker has reached the point of vulgar things - he smokes his opponents with cigars,” they say, was true. Have you encountered this problem?

In the 70s, smoking was allowed in international competitions. We had a strange system: in a three-year cycle, we played two national championships with a smoking ban and one with permission. Because this championship was a qualifying championship in the World Championship system and was played according to international rules. It was very difficult to resolve issues with our firefighters - but somehow they solved them.

Tal was the biggest smoker; he could smoke up to two packs a day. In second place is Korchnoi. But we easily agreed with him. Korchnoi did not like it when people walked behind him during the game. I didn’t really like it either, but I took it calmly and didn’t protest too much. But Viktor Lvovich didn’t actively like it. I didn’t like being smoked, because I had never smoked in my life and had never even tried it. So, even when Korchnoi and I had a very difficult relationship, we shook hands: I don’t go behind his back during a game, and he goes into his room to smoke. And this agreement has always been respected.

- Has Korchnoi lost his hostility towards you in his old age?

Of course, if he played for my South Ural team for three years. We also once arranged a friendly match in Kazan. On the eve of the anniversary, the cities organized a meeting between the teams of Europe and Tatarstan. I became captain of the continental team, and Korchnoi was included in it. But he hesitated, at the last moment he went to get a visa - but they didn’t give it to him.

- You haven’t arrived yet?

He came to the consulate and said: “Karpov invited me, but you won’t give me a visa.” They contacted me, I sent a letter to the embassy, ​​and then they immediately allowed it. That same day, Korchnoi caught a plane. Our relations with him normalized as soon as the intensity of the rivalry for the crown subsided. Once upon a time in Leningrad we were friends. We have already mentioned the fact that I acted as the guarantor of his departure and lifted the penalties that the federation and the State Sports Committee took against him. Time has smoothed everything out.

- They say they tried to poison you at the match against Korchnoi in Baguio. How?

It wasn't such a serious subject. Still, we took all precautions. We had our own cook, and we always bought food in different places so that it cannot be calculated. But they could have added something. Fortunately, it didn't work out.

- Did you stop by to congratulate Spassky on his 80th birthday?

- Is it true that he lives in a small one-room apartment on Ryazansky Prospekt?

He arranged all these transfers himself. He had a larger apartment here. They sold it, went to Rybinsk, lived there, and have now returned.

- Is it true that Spassky was an open dissident while living in the USSR?

He became a dissident because he met his future wife Marina, an employee of the French embassy in Moscow, the daughter of a colonel in the tsarist army from Revel. Their relationship was hindered... In general, Spassky complains about a lot, but a significant part of his problems arose from laziness.

- That is?

The Union had a planned economy system. And there were demands that around November all leading chess players, especially the world champion, present plans for participation in competitions and training camps for the next year. They were approved by the State Sports Committee and the Chess Federation. Spassky never did this. Then he got hot, and he came running: look, you won’t organize training camps for me. They say to him: “You didn’t present us with a plan - when needed, where.”

I've never knocked anyone out of any tournament. Unlike the same Spassky, who in 1970 knocked me out of the tournament in Holland. They promised it to me when I became the world junior champion. Spassky realized at the last moment that he had to play there. And when he was finally included there, he declared that a thunderstorm was approaching him in the person of Bobby Fischer, and he had no reason to go to Holland with the young chess player Karpov, but needed his sparring partners - Geller and Polugaevsky. And in one minute I was kicked out of this tournament. You have to do everything on time, and not create the wrong image for yourself!

- Who are the brightest and heaviest people among the world champions for you?

Of the champions, it is not so easy to find the brightest ones. Of those I knew, I would like to name Max Euwe. He was very sociable even before he became FIDE President, and remained so in his high position.

At one time, Spassky was completely normal. I haven’t played with Fischer yet. Why? I did not analyze Spassky's personality development. But, since I interacted with him a lot, I know that serious changes have occurred. Heavy... This is clear - Botvinnik, Fischer, Kasparov.

BOTVINNIK DIDN’T SEE MY MAIN QUALITY

As a child, you studied at Botvinnik’s school, but when you were 12 years old, the master said: “It’s a shame, but nothing will come of Tolya.” When they became world champion, there was no desire to say: “Mikhail Moiseevich, you see how it turned out?”

By that time he himself had already changed his mind. When eight years later, in 1971, I won a very strong tournament in memory of Alekhine in Moscow, Botvinnik said: “Remember this day. A new great star has appeared on the chess horizon.”

But the thing was that when I got to Botvinnik’s school, I was the youngest, and the other guys had much deeper theoretical knowledge than me. At that age, even a year difference means a lot, and, for example, Sasha Dubinsky was seven years older than me.

But Botvinnik saw no other way. The fact that I have a special quality is persistence in defense. This comes to light when you start working, and ignorance of the theory is obvious. And when Botvinnik saw that a seemingly talented boy had arrived, but he didn’t know the theory, then he said so. It’s strange that he didn’t analyze: if I play almost at the same level as older guys, then I have some advantages.

- Did this assessment hurt you?

I can't say what's special. At that time I didn’t even know if I would play, let alone be a champion. There was no tragedy. I just liked playing chess - so I played. Botvinnik said - and said. Now, if since childhood I had aimed to become a world champion and Botvinnik’s opinion was extremely important to me, then perhaps I would not have become a champion.

- At what age did you set your sights on higher goals?

Yes, in no way. Even as a student, I didn’t know that I would focus on chess. Even when I became the youngest grandmaster in the world in 1970, I didn’t know either! Maybe that’s why I studied well ( smiling). Only when I had already entered the circle of contenders for the crown did I realize that chess would be the main direction.

But I never gave up my studies, science, or my connections with universities - I studied at both Leningrad State University and Moscow State University. I am just one of three honorary professors of both universities - Moscow and St. Petersburg. More precisely, honorary professor of Moscow State University and honorary doctor of St. Petersburg State University.

I still understand the importance of studying. I remember at school I didn’t understand why they required me to write a plan in the presentation. I always told my teachers: “Yes, I know what to write about!” I have a good memory, I could recite everything I listened to almost word for word. And then I realized: in the same chess there is nothing to do without a plan! Without it, consider yourself a two-digit head start.

Evgeny Bareev witnessed the fierce struggle between Karpov and Kasparov with each other - both on the chessboard and off it - for influence in various organizations and associations of chess players and for various kinds of privileges.

In September, elections for the President of the International Chess Federation (FIDE) will take place in Khanty-Mansiysk. The Russian Chess Federation supported the current head of FIDE, Kirsan Ilyumzhinov. Anatoly Karpov also announced his desire to compete for the post. Grandmaster Evgeny Bareev analyzes the latest events in the chess world and some episodes of the champions' activities around chess.

“The latest scandalous events around the Russian Chess Federation - namely, the desperate attempt of two Russian chess legends Garry Kasparov and Anatoly Karpov, as well as the chairman of the board of the Russian Chess Federation (RCF) Alexander Bach, who joined them, in violation of the organization’s charter, to achieve, at least for a few hours, the appearance in news feeds of information about the nomination of Karpov as a candidate from Russia for the post of FIDE President - made me think about why even the very idea of ​​​​joint management of the world chess movement by the tandem of the 12th and 13th world champions seems to be the same disaster for chess as a fire in platform in the Gulf of Mexico for humanity as a whole,” the chess player writes in his article in Nezavisimaya Gazeta.

According to Bareev, throughout his career as a professional chess player, he witnessed the fierce struggle between Karpov and Kasparov with each other - both on the chessboard and off it - for influence in various organizations and associations of chess players and for various kinds of privileges. “And it always ended ultimately either in the destruction of these organizations, or in gaining privileges at the expense of the rest of the “mass” of chess players,” notes Bareev and cites chronological order some episodes:

« 1992. Created on the initiative of Kasparov International Grandmaster Association (GMA) splits due to the irreconcilable conflict of the 13th champion and his managers with the rest of the association members for cash G.M.A. According to the explanation given to me by Karpov at that time (and I had just qualified for my first World Cup, organized by GMA, and sadly received official notice of its demise), Kasparov’s team and he himself demanded unrealistic salaries and fees. Bessel Kok, then the head and one of the top managers of the sponsor of the association, SWIFT, did not succumb to pressure, and soon this young and promising organization ended its existence.

1993. Kasparov refuses to play a match with Short for the world title under the auspices of FIDE, not wanting to give her the insignificant part of the prize fund required by the charter and creates new organization- PCA (Professional Chess Association), under whose auspices this match is played without any monetary contributions. As a result For the next 15 years, the chess world plunges into chaos. It is worth noting that Karpov then immediately used the situation to his advantage and, having won the match against Timman, was again declared FIDE world champion. Both Karpov and Timman had previously lost their candidate matches to Short and dropped out of the fight for the world crown.

1994. FIDE presidential elections in Moscow. Unexpectedly for many, the athletes exchanged T-shirts. Karpov supported the French presidential candidate Couatli, and Kasparov, don’t you think it strange, supported his worst enemy Florencio Campomanes, famous for ending the “Unlimited Duel” Karpov-Kasparov 1984-1985 with a score of 5:3 in Karpov’s favor and was publicly accused by the latter of defending the interests of a rival. The first vote ended in a draw! The next day, Kasparov's team confidently gained the upper hand. I still remember Kasparov, who in the summer of the same year, at a tournament in Novgorod, rubbed his hands and dreamily muttered: “Khoper, Khoper.” That was the first time I heard this strange word from him. Then it turned out that this “organization” - a financial pyramid that deceived tens of thousands of people across the country - was a generous sponsor of those elections for the FIDE President.

1995. Karpov takes convincing revenge. Kirsan Nikolaevich Ilyumzhinov rises to the chess stage for the first time and immediately becomes president at the extraordinary FIDE Congress. At the suggestion of Karpov. Most of all, then, the mother of the 13th world champion was outraged by the fact that not long before Ilyumzhinov was eating soup in her kitchen, but did not share his plans. She promised not to invite him to dinner again.

In the same year, Kasparov won a match against Anand in New York, at the World Trade Center, according to the Professional Chess Association (PCA), created by him and Short after leaving FIDE. As it turned out, this was the last official competition under the auspices of the PCA. Since the election of Ilyumzhinov as FIDE President, Kasparov has refused to compete in competitions under the auspices of FIDE, declaring that Ilyumzhinov is holding his championships “with dirty money.”

Around the same time, the struggle flared up eastern front»: Karpov and Kasparov clash for control of the Russian Chess Federation, but in reality - one gets the impression - simply for the right to dispose Central house chess player (TsDSh) on Gogolevsky Boulevard. This time, in a grueling battle, after lengthy legal battles, the 13th champion and his team prevailed. Immediately after this, the legendary club was leased to various private companies that had nothing to do with chess. Where the proceeds from this went is a mystery to me personally. As grandmaster Sergei Dolmatov once said, in those years “the RCF budget was absolutely closed. I, the grandmaster, don’t know how and how much money the Russian Chess Federation earns and how it spends it.” Dolmatov had in mind, first of all, the Chess Player’s House and demanded that a “thorough check of the Central Children’s School be carried out,” claiming that “there is an unclean game going on behind our back.”

1996. A match for the FIDE world champion title is taking place in Elista between Karpov and Kamsky, the prize fund is provided by the President of Kalmykia. Karpov wins confidently, and Kamsky, declaring that Karpov and Kasparov will never let him become world champion, leaves chess for almost 10 years.

Kasparov plays a commercial match with the computer Deep Blue, which is sponsored by IBM. INTEL Company, a direct competitor of IBM, which had sponsored RCA for 3 years before and spent more than $5 million during this time, immediately refuses further cooperation and leaves chess, which leads to the collapse of Kasparov’s organization. A year later, having lost the next match to the same Deep Blue, the Great and the Terrible, as Kasparov’s admiring fans, like-minded people and devoted friends are reverently called, publicly and harshly accuses IBM of foul play and, as a result, chess is losing another major sponsor.

1997. The 1st knockout world championship took place. Ilyumzhinov thanked Karpov for his presidency with a unique competition format: having won six intense mini-matches, Anand - the current world champion - a few days later met in a six-game match in the so-called final with Karpov, who had been resting all month and carefully preparing for the upcoming fight. Unsurprisingly, a devastated Anand lost in the tiebreaker. Karpov became the “world champion” in the knockout system.

1999. The 2nd Knockout World Championship is taking place in Las Vegas. This time, negotiations with FIDE did not give the desired result, and the champion must defend the title starting from the 2nd round. Karpov is outraged and takes FIDE to court. In addition, having already refused to participate, he is in America trying in every possible way to disrupt the competition with a three million prize fund, writing a letter to the Governor of Nevada asking for the cancellation of the championship. Having learned about this, the chess players were simply indignant, and the German grandmaster Lobron, decently, however, having had too much, was chasing Karpov in a bar at a tournament in Dortmund with the goal of causing him minor bodily harm.

The result of the conciliatory meeting between Ilyumzhinov and Karpov is the withdrawal of the statement of claim. What caused the principled man to abandon his claims, one can only guess.

year 2000. Kasparov, who has not defended the world champion title for five years, finally chooses his opponent - Vladimir Kramnik. Before this, for various reasons, including financial ones, two of his matches for the world title with Shirov and Anand fell through. Kasparov loses the match in all respects and, in violation of the contract signed before the match by both participants, immediately demands a rematch. It would be worth remembering that in the mid-80s, although as a result of a difficult struggle, he himself managed to cancel the rematches, the right to which Karpov ardently defended.

year 2001. Memorial to Mikhail Botvinnik in Moscow. Match tournament of Kasparov, Kramnik and Karpov. Shortly before the start, after reaching all the agreements with the organizers of this competition that promised to become historic, Karpov “unexpectedly” refused to participate in it and preferred, for reasons that can only be guessed at again, the World Championship in the knockout system, “accidentally” held by FIDE at the same time in the same city. In the first round he lost to a little-known Chinese chess player. A line was drawn under Karpov's brilliant chess career.

2002. Ukrainian Ponomarev becomes world champion according to FIDE. Kasparov, it seems, is starting a campaign to publicly praise Ilyumzhinov’s virtues with the goal of regaining the title of world champion at any cost. They say that at the Chess Olympiad in Bled, during his move, as soon as he saw Ilyumzhinov, Kasparov rushed across and hugged and kissed him to the approving roar of the audience. At the same time, Kasparov, in fact, started a campaign against the “harassment” of Ilyumzhinov in the press, praising the latter’s merits as a statesman Kalmykia, and in the role of a unique world chess leader. The Kommersant newspaper wrote: “The most expensive gift was given to Kirsan Ilyumzhinov by chess player Garry Kasparov - assurances of sincere friendship and support for all his endeavors as FIDE President, as well as an admission of his own wrongs in the past.” Quote from Moskovsky Komsomolets: “Kasparov emphasized that they are now connected by business, commercial relations, and these are sometimes stronger than friendly ones.”

The result of these humiliating, in my opinion, performances by Kasparov were the famous “Prague Agreements” and the right to a match for the FIDE championship title without any sports selection, which, however, was disrupted at the very last moment. Ponomarev refused to play the match due to the harsh pressure put on him by Kasparov himself and a number of FIDE figures. Karpov at that time in the press accused Kasparov of destructive activities: “Kasparov made a lot of mistakes. What is happening now in FIDE, and the fact that the former harmonious system of holding world championships has been turned into something incomprehensible, are all the fruits of Kasparov’s activities and intrigues.” Then in chess circles they sneered: “The President of Kalmykia and FIDE only have clean and honest banknotes left. Kasparov can already play on them with a clear conscience.”

2004. After Kasimzhanov becomes the new world champion in the knockout system, Kasparov, of course, immediately receives the right to play a world title match with him. Ilyumzhinov refused to personally provide the prize fund, and Kasparova failed to attract other sponsors. Years of public humiliation were in vain, the title could not be regained, and Kasparov again went into opposition to Ilyumzhinov.

2005 year. Kasparov announces his retirement from his chess career.

2006. Karpov announces that he is going to stand as a candidate for the post of FIDE President. As a result of a personal meeting, Ilyumzhinov manages to find compelling arguments, and Karpov abandons this idea.

2006-2009. Happy years for chess. Several world championship matches were played. The chess world has united. The number of major tournaments has increased noticeably, as has the earnings of professional chess players.

2007. Karpov, being a member Public Chamber, brings the magazine “64 - Chess Review” to Kasparov in the temporary detention cell. They don’t let him see Kasparov himself; he gives his little gift through Kasparov’s mother, Klara Shagenovna. A historic reconciliation of hitherto irreconcilable opponents is taking place.

year 2009. Karpov-Kasparov match in rapid and blitz chess in Valencia. The announced series of such matches did not take place due to the lack of interest in the world in their creative and sports components.

2010. Karpov announces his intention to run for the post of FIDE President with the goal of “saving chess, which is in the deepest crisis.” Kasparov immediately provides him with information and moral support, trying to secure votes in a number of Western countries and America.

Of course, this is only a small part of the events that took place during these years with the participation of Karpov and Kasparov. But even a quick glance is enough to understand that difficult times await chess players if the destructive energy of two graduates of the Soviet chess school unites in one position - FIDE President. I believe that this will not happen."

Indian Summer of Champions

Subjective reflections on the strange tandem of Kasparov and Karpov

Latest scandalous events around the Russian Chess Federation (namely, a desperate attempt by two legends of Russian chess, Garry Kasparov and Anatoly Karpov, as well as the chairman of the board of the Russian Chess Federation (RCF), Alexander Bach, who joined them, in violation of the organization’s charter, to achieve, at least for a few hours, an appearance in news feeds information about the nomination of Karpov as a candidate from Russia for the post of FIDE President) made me think about why even the very idea of ​​joint management of the world chess movement by the tandem of the 12th and 13th world champions seems to be the same catastrophe for chess as a fire on a platform in the Gulf of Mexico for humanity as a whole.

Throughout my career as a professional chess player, I witnessed the fierce struggle between Karpov and Kasparov with each other - both on the chessboard and off it - for influence in various organizations and associations of chess players and for various kinds of privileges. Moreover, it always ended ultimately either in the destruction of these organizations, or in gaining privileges at the expense of the rest of the “mass” of chess players. I will recall in chronological order some episodes of chess-related activities, or rather the deeds of champions.

1992 The International Grandmaster Association (GMA), created on the initiative of Kasparov, is splitting due to an irreconcilable conflict between the 13th champion and his managers with the rest of the association over GMA funds. According to the explanation given to me by Karpov at that time (and I had just qualified for my first World Cup, organized by GMA, and sadly received official notice of its demise), Kasparov’s team and he himself demanded unrealistic salaries and fees. Bessel Kok, then the head and one of the top managers of the sponsor of the association, SWIFT, did not succumb to pressure, and soon this young and promising organization ended its existence.

1993 Kasparov refuses to play a match with Short for the world title under the auspices of FIDE, not wanting to give her the insignificant part of the prize fund required by the charter, and creates a new organization - the PCA (Professional Chess Association), under whose auspices this match is played without any monetary contributions. As a result, the chess world plunged into chaos for the next 15 years. It is worth noting that Karpov then immediately used the situation to his advantage and, having won the match against Timman, was again declared FIDE world champion. Both Karpov and Timman had previously lost their candidate matches to Short and dropped out of the fight for the world crown.

1994 FIDE presidential elections in Moscow. Unexpectedly for many, the athletes exchanged T-shirts. Karpov supported the French presidential candidate Couatli, and Kasparov, don’t let it seem strange to you, supported his worst enemy Florencio Campomanes, famous for ending the Karpov-Kasparov “Unlimited Duel” of 1984–1985 with the score 5:3 in Karpov’s favor and was publicly accused by the latter of defending the interests of a rival. The first vote ended in a draw! The next day, Kasparov's team confidently gained the upper hand. I still remember Kasparov, who in the summer of the same year, at a tournament in Novgorod, rubbed his hands and dreamily muttered: “Khoper, Khoper.” That was the first time I heard this strange word from him. Then it turned out that this “organization” - a financial pyramid that deceived tens of thousands of people across the country - was a generous sponsor of those elections for the FIDE President.

1995 Karpov takes convincing revenge. First time on the chess stage Kirsan Nikolaevich Ilyumzhinov and at the extraordinary FIDE Congress immediately becomes president. At the suggestion of Karpov. Most of all, then, the mother of the 13th world champion was outraged by the fact that not long before Ilyumzhinov was eating soup in her kitchen, but did not share his plans. She promised not to invite him to dinner again.

In the same year, Kasparov won a match against Anand in New York, at the World Trade Center, according to the Professional Chess Association (PCA), created by him and Short after leaving FIDE. As it turned out, this was the last official competition under the auspices of the PCA. Since the election of Ilyumzhinov as FIDE President, Kasparov has refused to compete in competitions under the auspices of FIDE, declaring that Ilyumzhinov is holding his championships “with dirty money.”

Around the same time, the struggle “on the eastern front” flared up: Karpov and Kasparov are fighting for control of the Russian Chess Federation, but in reality - it seems - simply for the right to dispose of the Central Chess House (CHD) on Gogolevsky Boulevard. This time, in a grueling battle, after lengthy legal battles, the 13th champion and his team prevailed. Immediately after this, the legendary club was leased to various private companies that had nothing to do with chess. Where the proceeds from this went is a mystery to me personally. As grandmaster Sergei Dolmatov once said, in those years “the RCF budget was absolutely closed. I, the grandmaster, don’t know how and how much money the Russian Chess Federation earns and how it spends it.” Dolmatov had in mind, first of all, the Chess Player’s House and demanded that a “thorough check of the Central Children’s School be carried out,” claiming that “there is an unclean game going on behind our back.”

1996 A match for the FIDE world champion title is taking place in Elista between Karpov and Kamsky, the prize fund is provided by the President of Kalmykia. Karpov wins confidently, and Kamsky, declaring that Karpov and Kasparov will never let him become world champion, leaves chess for almost 10 years.

Kasparov plays a commercial match with the computer Deep Blue, which is sponsored by IBM. The INTEL company, a direct competitor of IBM, which sponsored RCA for 3 years before and spent more than 5 million dollars during this time, immediately refuses further cooperation and leaves chess, which leads to the collapse of Kasparov’s organization. A year later, having lost the next match to the same Deep Blue, the Great and the Terrible, as the admiring fans, like-minded people and devoted friends of Kasparov are reverently called, publicly and harshly accuses IBM of unfair play and, as a result, chess loses another major sponsor.

1997 The 1st knockout world championship took place. Ilyumzhinov thanked Karpov for his presidency with a unique competition format: having won six intense mini-matches, Anand - the current world champion - a few days later met in a six-game match in the so-called final with Karpov, who had been resting all month and carefully preparing for the upcoming fight. Unsurprisingly, a devastated Anand lost in the tiebreaker. Karpov became the “world champion” in the knockout system.

1999 The 2nd Knockout World Championship is taking place in Las Vegas. This time, negotiations with FIDE did not give the desired result, and the champion must defend the title starting from the 2nd round. Karpov is outraged and takes FIDE to court. In addition, having already refused to participate, he is in America trying in every possible way to disrupt the competition with a three-million prize fund, writing a letter to the governor of Nevada asking for the cancellation of the championship. Having learned about this, the chess players were simply indignant, and the German grandmaster Lobron, decently, however, having had too much, was chasing Karpov in a bar at a tournament in Dortmund with the goal of causing him minor bodily harm.

The result of the conciliatory meeting between Ilyumzhinov and Karpov is the withdrawal of the statement of claim. What caused the principled man to renounce his claims, one can only guess.

year 2000. Kasparov, who has not defended the world champion title for five years, finally chooses his opponent - Vladimir Kramnik. Before this various reasons, including financial ones, two of his matches for the world title with Shirov and Anand fell through. Kasparov loses the match in all respects and, in violation of the contract signed before the match by both participants, immediately demands a rematch. It would be worth remembering that in the mid-80s, although as a result of a difficult struggle, he himself managed to cancel the rematches, the right to which Karpov ardently defended.

year 2001. Memorial to Mikhail Botvinnik in Moscow. Match tournament of Kasparov, Kramnik and Karpov. Shortly before the start, after reaching all the agreements with the organizers of this competition that promised to become historic, Karpov “unexpectedly” refused to participate in it and preferred, for reasons that can only be guessed at again, the World Championship in the knockout system, “accidentally” held by FIDE at the same time in the same city. In the first round he lost to a little-known Chinese chess player. A line was drawn under Karpov's brilliant chess career.

2002 Ukrainian Ponomarev becomes world champion according to FIDE. Kasparov, it seems, is starting a campaign to publicly praise Ilyumzhinov’s virtues with the goal of regaining the title of world champion at any cost. They say that at the Chess Olympiad in Bled, during his move, as soon as he saw Ilyumzhinov, Kasparov rushed across and hugged and kissed him to the approving roar of the audience. At the same time, Kasparov, in fact, started a campaign against the “harassment” of Ilyumzhinov in the press, praising the latter’s merits both as a statesman of Kalmykia and as a unique world chess leader. The Kommersant newspaper wrote: “The most expensive gift was given to Kirsan Ilyumzhinov by chess player Garry Kasparov - assurances of sincere friendship and support for all his endeavors as FIDE President, as well as an admission of his own wrongs in the past.” Quote from Moskovsky Komsomolets: “Kasparov emphasized that they are now connected by business, commercial relations, and these are sometimes stronger than friendly ones.”

The result of these humiliating, in my opinion, performances by Kasparov were the famous “Prague Agreements” and the right to a match for the FIDE championship title without any sports selection, which, however, was disrupted at the very last moment. Ponomarev refused to play the match due to the harsh pressure put on him by Kasparov himself and a number of FIDE figures. Karpov at that time in the press accused Kasparov of destructive activities: “Kasparov made a lot of mistakes. What is happening now in FIDE, and the fact that the former harmonious system of holding world championships has been turned into something incomprehensible, are all the fruits of Kasparov’s activities and intrigues.” Then in chess circles they sneered: “The President of Kalmykia and FIDE only have clean and honest banknotes left. Kasparov can already play on them with a clear conscience.”

2004 After Kasimzhanov becomes the new world champion in the knockout system, Kasparov, of course, immediately receives the right to play a world title match with him. Ilyumzhinov refused to personally provide the prize fund, and Kasparova failed to attract other sponsors. Years of public humiliation were in vain, the title could not be regained, and Kasparov again went into opposition to Ilyumzhinov.

2005 year. Kasparov announces his retirement from his chess career.

2006 Karpov announces that he is going to stand as a candidate for the post of FIDE President. As a result of a personal meeting, Ilyumzhinov manages to find compelling arguments, and Karpov abandons this idea.

2006–2009. Happy years for chess. Several world championship matches were played. The chess world has united. The number of major tournaments has increased noticeably, as has the earnings of professional chess players.

2007 Karpov, being a member of the Public Chamber, brings the magazine “64 - Chess Review” to Kasparov in the temporary detention cell. They don’t let him see Kasparov himself; he gives his little gift through Kasparov’s mother, Klara Shagenovna. A historic reconciliation of hitherto irreconcilable opponents is taking place.

year 2009. Karpov-Kasparov match in rapid and blitz chess in Valencia. The announced series of such matches did not take place due to the lack of interest in the world in their creative and sports components.

2010 Karpov announces his intention to run for the post of FIDE President with the goal of “saving chess, which is in the deepest crisis.” Kasparov immediately provided him with information and moral support, trying to secure votes in a number of Western countries and America.

Of course, this is only a small part of the events that took place during these years with the participation of Karpov and Kasparov. But even a cursory glance is enough to understand that difficult times await chess players if the destructive energy of two graduates of the Soviet chess school unites in one position - FIDE President. I believe that this will not happen.

From the NG dossier
Evgeniy Bareev is a gold medalist of four Chess Olympiads as part of the Russian team (1990, 1994, 1996, 1998), two world championships (1997, 2005) and two European championships (1992, 2003).

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Thirty years ago, the most scandalous match in the history of world chess began in Moscow.

Thirty years ago, on September 9, 1984, the most scandalous match in the history of chess began. World champion Anatoly Karpov had to defend his title against the young challenger Garry Kasparov.

The confrontation between two great grandmasters has long been interpreted much more broadly than just a sports competition. Both the course of the fight and its result are often regarded as a symbol of the decline of the Soviet system and the advent of new perestroika realities in its place.

The whole series " orange revolutions“, which happened before our eyes several years ago, was perceived by the “analytical community” as an extraordinary, hitherto unprecedented phenomenon. Meanwhile, in the Soviet Union, in two legendary matches Karpov-Kasparov and Kasparov-Karpov, a typically “orange” scenario was successfully implemented. And although the whole country closely followed the events of those times, few still understand what really happened then.

Before moving on to the topic stated in the title of the article, it is necessary to make a number of preliminary remarks, without which it is impossible to understand the true meaning of the events that were of exceptional importance in the fate of our country.

Radical transformations of the Soviet system are usually associated with the name of M.S. Gorbachev. The following interpretation of historical events of the mid-80s has firmly entered into widespread use. The country's leader is a relatively young, energetic leader who understands the need for change. Having the opportunity to realize his plans, he began radical systemic changes against the will of the “partocrats” who made up the political elite Soviet Union and those seeking to preserve the “Brezhnev order”.

These philistinely naive and superficial arguments do not stand up to criticism. The incredible speed with which the reforms were carried out, the fundamental nature, depth of the changes that were taking place in the USSR at that time in all spheres of life, and many, many other facts indicate that preparations for perestroika began long before 1985.

Let us remember what strategic tasks were set and successfully solved by the “Gorbachev team”.

Firstly, it was necessary to develop, adopt and, most importantly, implement a package of new laws that completely changed the appearance of the country, which, let’s not forget, ranked first in the world in terms of area and third in population.

Secondly, in order to suppress resistance to reforms that arose in the depths of masses, including in the security forces, it was necessary to think through and implement in practice a set of measures, including, among other things, a grandiose campaign of manipulation of the consciousness of the population.

In order to carry out such large-scale transformations, and even in a truly record time, the entire huge bureaucratic Soviet machine had to work like clockwork, avoiding serious failures. In short, implementing reforms was a complex task that required the mobilization of significant managerial and other resources. This means that by the mid-80s, the party vertical already largely consisted of people who not only did not seek to interfere with perestroika, but also supported it in every possible way. It couldn't be any other way. Without a very broad base within the party apparatus, Gorbachev would not have been able to implement even a hundredth part of what he did. Otherwise, initiatives Secretary General they would simply be sabotaged and hang in the air.

If you look at the biographies of the key figures of the “Gorbachev team”, it turns out that these people occupied high positions even under Brezhnev, and some under Khrushchev and even Stalin (Yakovlev, Aliyev).

Thus, the implementation of reforms was not a strong-willed decision of Gorbachev - a loner who risked going against the System and the political elite of the country, but on the contrary, a very influential part of the Soviet elite nominated Gorbachev to the historical arena so that he began to act in its interests.

In ideological terms, perestroika was a radical negation of the entire Soviet era, which is clearly seen in the campaign to discredit literally all the achievements of the USSR, as well as those people with whose name these achievements were associated.

To mix them with dirt, to throw them off the pedestal, to sully their bright, even if mythologized, image - that’s what the manipulators of public opinion needed. After all, by denigrating and thereby destroying the symbols of the successes of the Soviet system, they pushed the people to the idea of ​​abandoning the system itself. Will a person support the system if he considers it criminal and incompetent? Of course not, which was later confirmed in practice.

The political, economic and cultural planes of the Soviet system, personified by personalities known throughout the country, were under attack. And it is quite obvious that the manipulators could not ignore such an important area for the masses as sports.

Let's start with the fact that chess is a unique sport, which, on the one hand, has a reputation as an elitist one, and on the other hand, it does not require expensive equipment to practice. All you need is a small board, knowledge of simple rules, and you can play.

The Soviet Union correctly appreciated the incredible cultural, intellectual, ideological, and therefore political potential that chess has. The Soviet cult of chess had and still has no analogues in the world. Chess clubs, sections and schools were opened throughout the country. Many adult and children's tournaments were held, which were attended by experienced craftsmen looking for talent. Consistent and clear public policy quickly bore fruit.

The first post-war world champion was Botvinnik, followed by Smyslov, then Tal, Petrosyan, Spassky - five world champions in a row, all Soviet! Not only world champions, but also our other grandmasters have taken a dominant position in the chess world. Victories followed one after another, the superiority of Soviet athletes was simply total. Their successes were watched with joy by the entire people, who appreciated chess and were quite good at it.

In no other sport did the USSR have such an obvious advantage over other countries. Moreover, superiority was achieved in intellectual competitions. The ideological meaning of chess victories is obvious: the USSR is the intellectual leader of the world, which indicates the progressiveness of the Soviet system.

However, in the West there was a man who turned out to be stronger than the entire Soviet chess machine. His name is Robert Fisher. He was literally the textbook embodiment of the American dream. The son of emigrants, a lone genius makes his own way to the top. In qualifying competitions, Fischer easily beats the best Soviet grandmasters, then defeats Spassky and becomes world champion. The ideological meaning of Fischer's victory is also extremely obvious. This is a celebration of the American way of life. For great victories, talent does not need a nanny in the form of the state; in a free country of equal opportunities, gifted people automatically become in demand.

After such a heavy blow to the prestige of the Soviet chess school, the statists who still maintained positions in the USSR elite did everything possible to ensure that the chess crown returned to the Soviet Union.

Anatoly Karpov had to solve this difficult problem. If Fischer was the living embodiment of the American dream, then Karpov personified the great Soviet dream. He was born in Zlatoust, a working-class Ural city. As a child, he experienced poverty and even destitution, and began his path to big-time sports at the factory’s Sports Palace. Unlike many other leading Soviet chess players who were more or less infected with the anti-Soviet virus, Karpov emphasized his loyalty to the system. Millions of people considered him “one of their own” because he behaved like a typical Soviet person and shared the values ​​typical of the majority. But at the same time, he had outstanding talent, will and determination, which allowed him to achieve everything that the majority of the population of the USSR dreamed of: trips abroad, fame, money, patronage from the authorities, etc.

Karpov had the qualities necessary to become a people's idol, and at some point he became one. After all, what is an idol of the masses? Typically, this is what the masses see themselves as in their dreams, the idealized “I”, as psychologists say. The leadership of the USSR understood perfectly well that Karpov was suitable for this role, supported him and was not mistaken. Very soon, the young, promising athlete turned into a chess player of incredible strength, and when he faced world champion Fischer, the American refused to defend his title. In accordance with international rules, Karpov was declared champion.

Thus, in 1975, on the “chess” front of the ideological struggle, the Soviet Union restored the status quo. But soon troubles began again, Spassky and Korchnoi left the USSR, and if Spassky’s emigration could still be explained not by political, but by everyday reasons (his wife is a Frenchwoman of Russian origin), then Korchnoi did not return from the international tournament and began to make harsh anti-Soviet statements.

Unexpectedly, it turned out that the Soviet system had only one truly outstanding chess player left, capable of defending the country's prestige at the highest level - Karpov. And when Korchnoi, who had emigrated, won the qualifying competition, everyone understood that the 1978 championship match would become extremely ideological and scandalous.

Karpov's defeat at the chessboard would have resulted in a severe defeat for the entire Soviet Union. Western propaganda, sparing no effort and expense, created the image of Korchnoi as a “fighter against totalitarianism,” while Soviet propaganda branded him with disgrace in every possible way.

As a result, Karpov found himself in a psychological trap. If he wins, they will say that such a victory is not something to be proud of. They say that the entire Soviet system stood behind him, and Korchnoi fought alone, especially since Korchnoi’s son remained in the USSR, and if something happened, the “totalitarian monster” could be accused of blackmail. If Korchnoi wins, then they will definitely say that justice has triumphed, and the “protege of totalitarian forces” lost, despite any tricks of the “dictatorial regime.” And it would be difficult to even imagine the extent of anti-Soviet hysteria.

Karpov won with a minimal advantage of 6:5, and three years later, in the next match, he again defeated Korchnoi (6:2). In addition to championship matches, Karpov won many powerful tournaments, and rightfully became a symbol of the inviolability of the USSR’s position in sports. And as mentioned above, the moment was approaching when Soviet symbols would be turned from objects of worship into objects of denigration. Therefore, a living legend, an idol of millions, Karpov, apparently, turned out to be the victim of a sophisticated and carefully planned operation.

In 1984, the time came for Karpov to defend his title for the third time. In the minds of the people, he continues to be perceived as a typical “man of the System,” a symbol of the Brezhnev era, patronized by the party authorities. Oddly enough, this gross misconception still persists, although logic, common sense and many facts prove the opposite. The country is headed by a weak, seriously ill Chernenko, and purely outwardly the system looks the same as it has been for the last ten years. Of course, everyone understands that he is just a nominal figure, but few realize that within the depths of the political elite the line of abandoning socialism has already triumphed and preparations for perestroika are in full swing.

The anti-Soviet elite needed their own symbols, they needed a new anti-Soviet chess king, a king to match themselves. And here we come to the personality of Kasparov.

He was born in Baku in 1963 and already in his youth enjoyed the patronage of Heydar Aliyev. Before moving on to the first match of 1984, it is necessary to make a brief excursion into Aliyev’s biography. The fact is that without taking into account the facts of his biography, it is impossible to understand what role he played in the scandalous and extremely politicized confrontation between Karpov and Kasparov.

In the 60s, Aliyev occupied a number of the most important posts in the “power bloc” of the leadership of the Azerbaijan SSR - in 1964, deputy chairman, and in 1967 - chairman of the State Security Committee under the Council of Ministers of the Azerbaijan SSR. Since July 1969, Aliyev has been the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan. When Andropov, who previously held the post of Chairman of the KGB, becomes General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, Aliyev also goes up the hill. Since 1982, he has been a member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee and First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. If we take into account that Aliyev’s formal boss, Tikhonov, was already at a very respectable age, then it becomes clear that it was Aliyev who was the de facto Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR in those years.

So, he created all the conditions for Kasparov’s chess growth and very quickly the young talent strengthened and turned into one of the strongest grandmasters in the USSR. Unlike Karpov, who was emphatically loyal to the system, a touch of “dissidence” was felt in Kasparov’s behavior already in the early 80s. Of course, at that time he did not make really harsh anti-Soviet statements; the time had not yet come, but he did not hide his skepticism about the stagnant Soviet order. And in 1983, an event occurred that created the image of Kasparov as a victim of the “senile Soviet system.”

Kasparov-Korchnoi and Ribli-Smyslov reached the semi-finals of the qualifying competition, the winner of which received the right to a match with Karpov, and both matches failed due to the fault of Soviet officials. Philistine conversations began that the vile party bureaucrats, fearing for their favorite Karpov, decided to eliminate his main competitor, Kasparov. However, after Kasparov and Smyslov were counted defeated, Moscow made an official apology to the international chess organization (FIDE), paid a fine, and asked to still hold the semi-final matches. FIDE goes to a meeting with the USSR, Korchnoi, despite all his hatred of the Soviet Union, also agrees to play with Kasparov.

The story of the cancellation and then “reanimation” of those matches is extremely confusing and dark. There is evidence that the matches were saved by none other than Aliyev, but what actually happened is not easy to find out. What is clear is that the chess players became victims of bureaucratic and political intrigues.

Be that as it may, Kasparov is gaining a reputation as a “victim of the Soviet regime” and, as such, is ideally suited for the role of the anti-Soviet chess king. And Karpov is simply doomed to find himself in the same psychological trap that he was in many times before when he fought Korchnoi. “The favorite of the authorities” versus the “victim of the regime.”

And then 1984 comes. The Karpov-Kasparov match is played up to six wins, draws are not taken into account. After nine games the score was 4:0 in Karpov's favor. Then a long series of draws followed, but in the 27th game Karpov again celebrated victory, 5:0! Formal defeat. Kasparov manages to break the score only in the 32nd game, 5:1. Again, draw follows draw. The match has been going on for several months, the score has not changed, Karpov is one step away from overall victory, but victory is not given. Kasparov, despite all his efforts, also cannot close the gap. And now Kasparov wins two games in a row, the 47th and 48th. The score is 5:3.

FIDE President Campomanes comes to Moscow and on February 15, 1985, at a press conference in the Moscow Sport Hotel, he announces the termination of the match “without announcing the winner,” citing the fatigue of the athletes as the reason for his decision.

The most common version of those events goes like this: the rotten communist regime rushed to save its protege, Karpov, at the moment when it became clear that his physical condition no longer allowed him to play at a high level, and, therefore, he was doomed to defeat. Kasparov was illegally deprived of a real opportunity to become world champion.

Let's analyze this interpretation. As already mentioned, at that time the leadership of the USSR was dominated by anti-Soviet forces. Then who and why could stop the match in order to “save Karpov from inevitable defeat”? In his book Two Matches, Kasparov writes that on February 14, 1985, Campomanes showed him a letter signed by the chairman of the USSR Chess Federation, Sevastyanov, which stated that the chess federation was concerned about the extreme fatigue of both participants and was asking for a three-month break.

So, does this mean that officials from the USSR State Sports Committee decided to help Karpov? Absurdity. Kasparov’s patron was Aliyev himself, a much more influential figure than any representative of sports structures. Who then could go against his will and deprive Kasparov of the chance to become world champion? Whose power was it to force the Filipino Campomanes to come to Moscow to “help Karpov”? There is no intelligible answer to these questions within the framework of the presented version.

Let's look at the facts.

1. On February 14, Kasparov meets with Campomanes and learns from him about a written request from the USSR Chess Federation to take a three-month break in the match.

2. On February 15, at a press conference, Campomanes announced that the match was canceled and the new match would start with the score 0:0. Karpov expresses disagreement with the decision of the FIDE President. Kasparov also confirms his readiness to continue the match.

3. A break is announced for an hour and a half, after which Karpov signs Campomanes’ decision. Kasparov refuses.

Agree, we are faced with utter confusion. If Karpov is really interested in canceling the match, then why is he demanding that it be resumed? Perhaps it’s all a matter of subtle calculation and the letter was written as a diversion? That is, Karpov knows that the match will not be resumed in any case, and to save face he writes a letter that Campomanes will not take seriously? Let's see what happened next.

Karpov sent his letter to the central news agency of the USSR, TASS, and to the foreign agency Reuters so that not only in the Soviet Union, but throughout the world, his position would be known. Moreover, Karpov, speaking on the Vremya news program, mentioned the letter. Soon the whole world was reading Karpov’s letter, but the people of the USSR were not! A foreign agency distributed a letter from the Soviet champion, but the Soviet TASS agency did not!

Only the supreme power could order the central information organ of the Soviet Union. Only the intervention of the highest rulers of the USSR could force the management of TASS not to publish Karpov’s letter. Can we then say that the rulers of the USSR supported Karpov and stopped the match in his interests? Obviously not. The story of the letter suggests the opposite.

But the power of the party apparatus did not extend to the foreign agency, and the world knew that Karpov was demanding that the match be resumed. The whole world knew that Kasparov did not agree with the decision to cancel the match, now the whole world (except for ordinary residents of the USSR) learned that Karpov was not happy with it either. Campomanes found himself in a very difficult position, because if both chess players are ready to play, if both believe that the cancellation of the match violates their rights, then in the eyes of the public he and only he will be guilty of disrupting the World Championship.

What about Kasparov? Up to this point, his actions seemed consistent. At Campomanes' press conference, he stated that he did not agree with the cancellation of the match; a little later he refused to sign the corresponding agreement, which Karpov signed. And so Karpov refused his signature, which means that a real opportunity arose to ensure the continuation of the competition. It would seem that now Kasparov will begin to be active, but instead Campomanes even had to resort to an ultimatum to find Kasparov.

Campomanes stated that if Kasparov does not express his attitude to the current situation, then Campomanes will regard his silence as agreement with any decision that Campomanes makes taking into account Karpov’s letter. Immediately, the head of Kasparov’s delegation sent a telegram to Campomanes saying that Kasparov was satisfied with the decision made in Moscow (to cancel the match) and was already preparing for a replay.

So, Kasparov, who asserted at a press conference in Moscow that he did not agree with Campomanes, not only did not take advantage of the changed situation in order to defend his rights, but after Karpov’s letter, in fact, he supported exactly the decision that he had not previously agreed to agreed! If at the first conference on February 15, 1985, Karpov agreed with the cancellation of the match, and Kasparov did not, then very little time later, Karpov protested, and Kasparov supported Campomanes.

Another press conference by the FIDE President followed, in the Philippines. Final decision: the result of the match is annulled, the new match will start with the score 0:0.

So, we examined the version that the match was stopped under pressure from the leadership of the USSR, and this was done in the interests of the favorite of the party apparatus (Karpov), since Karpov, after several months of grueling struggle, turned out to be exhausted and could no longer provide serious resistance to Kasparov. Thus, Kasparov was deprived of the opportunity to become world champion.

Analysis of this version shows that it is contradictory and does not explain a number of facts that are directly related to the events in question. Thus, it is necessary to recognize this version as untenable.

What really happened? I propose another version that consistently explains the inconsistencies.

So, the very first games showed Karpov's significant superiority. The living legend of Soviet sports not only wins, but literally smashes the one who, according to the plan of the party, should become a symbol of change, “a fresh wind in the musty atmosphere of stagnation.”

Kasparov's backers face a difficult task. Kasparov must be saved from defeat, but at the same time make sure that no one guesses that the system is on his side. Otherwise, the carefully prepared myth about a loner who “challenged the rotten communist regime” will collapse. What kind of challenge is there if the “rotten regime” helps Kasparov in every possible way?

It is impossible to stop the match when the score is 4:0, and even more so when it is 5:0 in favor of Karpov; it will immediately become clear to everyone which side the system is actually on. Kasparov's patrons have no choice but to wait and hope that their protégé can win at least a few games. Then it will be possible to create the appearance of a turning point during the match and make it look as if a frightened Karpov is trying to avoid defeat by acting using unsportsmanlike methods.

Although Kasparov was able to avoid defeat (score 5:3), from which he was literally one step away, the main goal - to become world champion - is still difficult to achieve. Kasparov's patrons understand that they can no longer hesitate. On the one hand, Kasparov won two games in a row, which means that the appearance of a turning point in the course of the match is ensured, and on the other hand, Karpov only needs to win one game, and he is a champion. Apparently, on the instructions of the leaders of the USSR, the Soviet chess federation is turning to FIDE President Campomanes with a written request to take a break from the match.

We have to assume that Kasparov is aware of the plan, and his role is to publicly demonstrate his disagreement with the suspension and later cancellation of the match.

On February 15, Campomanes, at a press conference in Moscow, announced his decision to stop the match and start a new one, which would start with the score 0:0. At the press conference, Kasparov acts according to plan and protests. But Karpov also does not agree with Campomanes’ decision. A break is announced, consultations take place, after which Karpov signs Campomanes’ decision. Kasparov refuses.

On February 19, Karpov writes an open letter to Campomanes, in which he demands that the match be resumed, thereby canceling his previous decision. The whole world will know that not only Kasparov, but also Karpov is ready to play. The plan of the anti-Soviet elite is in jeopardy. However, the main goal of the manipulative operation was to discredit Karpov in the eyes of the citizens of the USSR, and here the country's leadership had every opportunity to prevent the dissemination of information that was inconvenient for them.

By order of the authorities, TASS refuses to publish Karpov’s letter. Inside the Soviet Union, everyone knows that Karpov signed some papers, according to which the match was canceled, Kasparov did not sign, which means he is a victim. Public opinion begins to lean in favor of Kasparov. But at the same time, the average resident of the USSR does not know that Karpov, a few days after the Moscow conference, renounced his signature, thereby giving Kasparov a real opportunity to insist on the resumption of the match.

They also don’t know that Kasparov at that very moment began to evade negotiations with Campomanes, and, in the end, the head of Kasparov’s delegation sent a telegram to the FIDE President, in which it was reported that Kasparov agreed with Campomanes’ decision to cancel the match and had already begun preparations for replay.
Without taking into account these most important facts, one may indeed get the impression that the system saved Karpov and grossly violated Kasparov’s rights. This is how the plan of the anti-Soviet elite was crowned with success.

The next match began with a score of 0:0, when perestroika was already in full swing, and Karpov began to be bullied openly. Kasparov looked like a moral winner, and Karpov's reputation was undermined. In the eyes of many people, he appeared as a behind-the-scenes intriguer who took advantage of his nomenclature connections because he realized that he could not defeat Kasparov in a fair fight. Moreover, Karpov was deprived of that significant two-point advantage, despite the fact that he only had to win one game to win the match.

In addition to the important psychological advantage, Kasparov received several months to comprehend the unique experience that he gained in the match with world champion Karpov. Karpov, having easily won four of the first nine games, exposed a number of weaknesses in Kasparov's game, and how the air needed a time out to correct glaring flaws in his style.

However, even being in such a disadvantageous position, Karpov led the score for a long time in the second match, and the denouement came only in the last game. Karpov lost it, and with it the match. The anti-Soviet elite received an anti-Soviet champion.

This is just a version, an assumption, and it is hardly possible to say with absolute certainty exactly how things really were. But you must admit, there is something to think about here.
With that said, the events of 1984-1985 are perceived differently. If the assumption is correct, then it is not difficult to notice that Kasparov’s success and the victory of the “orange” are based on a fundamentally identical scheme, according to which Yushchenko was brought to power many years later.

As it happened in the Karpov-Kasparov match. With the score 5:3 in favor of Karpov. The result of the match is annulled. A replay is scheduled, in which Kasparov wins. His victory is presented as a victory of the democratic forces, personifying freedom, over a representative of the “rotten nomenklatura power.”

As it happened in Ukraine in 2004. Yanukovych won the elections with a score (so to speak) of 49.46%:46.61%. The election results were essentially annulled, and a so-called “third round” was scheduled, which Yushchenko won. His victory was in the same way presented to society as a victory of democratic forces, personifying freedom, over a representative of the “rotten nomenklatura power.”

Isn't this the same scheme?

Truly, chess is unique game, a fusion of sports, science, art and big politics, including those painted in “orange” tones.