On October 17, 1905, Nicholas II issued his famous manifesto, in which he proclaimed a number of political and civil freedoms. In particular: freedom of conscience, freedom of assembly, freedom of speech, a parliament was established, without whose approval not a single law could be adopted.

However, the document was adopted only on October 17, and the rally in Minsk was prepared much earlier. And the city administration seriously thought about suppressing it by force. It was planned to set up military posts throughout the city, especially to guard the railway lines. That is why the manifesto took the city authorities by surprise - freedom of assembly was proclaimed, after all. But, apparently, their misunderstanding of this manifesto led to the event, which in history was called the Kurlovsky execution.

Further events developed as follows. The rally gathered near the Libavo-Romensky railway station (now Station Square). Initially, there were not very many demonstrators, but by 2 o’clock in the afternoon, when news of the tsar’s manifesto became known, their number increased sharply. In general, according to various estimates, from 10 to 30 thousand people gathered. The main initiators and speakers at the rally were railway workers P. Zhaba and P. Gamzakhurdi.

After the news about the emperor’s decree appeared, a delegation was even sent to the Minsk commandant Kurlov, which proposed to him, firstly, to recognize the meeting as sanctioned (freedom of assembly, after all), and secondly, to release political prisoners from Pishchalovsky Castle (now Pretrial Detention Center No. 1 on Volodarsky street). Kurlov fulfilled both of these requirements. The rally became sanctioned and the prisoners were released. When this became known in the square, the political rally turned into a real celebration. People rejoiced at the freedom they received! A lot of new speakers appeared.

The protesters did not make any attempts to disrupt public order, there was not even a procession - the meeting did not move the entire time.

And so, in the midst of general euphoria, when the rally began to gradually dissolve and people to disperse, shots were fired. Three divisions of the Oka Regiment, along with police officers, opened fire on the rally participants. In his memoirs, Kurlov justified that the soldiers opened fire only when the protesters began to snatch weapons from their hands. But this is not confirmed either by documents, or in the memoirs of the protesters, or by the investigation. Moreover, according to the study of the corpses, most of them were killed by shots in the back and the back of the head. That is, people left or ran away from the military, but did not show aggression or take away their weapons.

Thus, Nicholas’s manifesto turned out to be a complete falsehood. All other officials were simply unprepared for such “freedom.” They continued to live by their imperial ideals, according to which any meeting is illegal, as are the people present at it.

All people's demands to start an investigation into the shooting were ignored. During this execution, several unsuccessful attempts were made on Kurlov. But in the end, not a single culprit was punished. The authorities pretended that everything happened as planned.

After the execution, Minsk railway workers declared a general strike. They demanded the immediate resignation of Kurlov, the heads of the Minsk Gendarmerie Police Department on the railway and the Minsk Provincial Gendarme Police Department, as well as the removal of all Cossacks from the city. These demands were ignored and strikes by railway workers spread throughout Belarus. They were stopped only in the spring.

October 18 (October 30, new style) should become a black day of the calendar in Belarusian history. According to various estimates, from 60 to 100 people died that day, and the number of wounded is incalculable. This day should be a sign of barbarism when people are shot in the back (apparently out of fear of their reaction). And the names of such people as Kurlov (Minsk governor), Cherntsov (vice-governor), Colonel von Wildemann-Klopman (police chief) are written in black ink in the history of the country.

The Supreme Manifesto of October 17, 1905 is a legislative act of the supreme power of the Russian Empire. According to one version, it was developed by Sergei Yulievich Witte on behalf of Emperor Nicholas II. According to other sources, the text of the Manifesto was prepared by A.D. Obolensky and N.I. Vuich, and Witte provided general leadership. There is information that on the day the manifesto was signed, two projects were on the table in front of the tsar: the first was to introduce a military dictatorship (his uncle Nikolai Nikolaevich was planned to be dictator), and the second was a constitutional monarchy. The Tsar himself was inclined towards the first option, but the Grand Duke’s decisive refusal forced him to sign the Manifesto. Adopted under the pressure of the October general political strike and, above all, the railway workers' strike, the Manifesto granted democratic freedoms to society and promised the convening of a legislative State Duma. The main significance of the Manifesto was that it previously distributed the sole right of the emperor between the monarch and the legislative State Duma. As a result of the adoption of the Manifesto by the Emperor, changes were made to the Basic State Laws of the Russian Empire, which actually became the first Russian Constitution.

In the conditions of the First Russian Revolution, it is with this act that the transition from the autocratic form of government in Russia to a constitutional monarchy is traditionally associated, as well as the liberalization of the political regime and the entire way of life in the country. The Manifesto of October 17 granted Russian subjects civil liberties, and the future State Duma was endowed with legislative rights instead of the legislative rights promised earlier on August 6. This Manifesto was based on a new draft of the State Duma, which was aimed at “an early end to the unrest that is so dangerous for the state.” In addition to taking measures to “eliminate direct manifestations of disorder,” the government was entrusted with three tasks: to grant the population the unshakable foundations of civil freedom on the basis of actual inviolability of the person, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and association; to attract to participation in the Duma those classes of the population that are completely deprived of voting rights (we were talking about workers); establish that no law can be adopted without the approval of the State Duma. At the same time, the emperor retained the right to dissolve the Duma and block its decisions with his veto.

The document ended with an appeal “to all the faithful sons of Russia”, together with the sovereign, “to exert all efforts to restore silence and peace in their native land.” But the period from October 18 to October 29, 1905 was marked by another outbreak of violence: during these days about 4 thousand people were killed and about 10 thousand were injured. Such violence became possible due to the confusion of the central and, especially, local authorities after the publication of the Manifesto. The fact is that the Manifesto was prepared in complete secrecy, and after its publication no explanations were made. There is evidence that even the Minister of the Interior found out about it at the same time as everyone else. What can we say about the governors and police chiefs in the provinces, if even the capital’s officials did not know how to act under the terms of the “constitution”.

The manifesto was published simultaneously with the note by S.Yu. Witte addressed to the emperor, which emphasized that the principles of the new order for Russia should “be implemented only insofar as the population acquires the habit and civic skill of them.” In practice, despite the abolition of corporal punishment, the Cossacks and peasants in the community continued to flog the guilty. As before, “lower ranks (soldiers) and dogs” were strictly prohibited from entering parks for the “clean” public. Merchants continued to imprison debtors from the merchant guilds in a commercial debtor's prison.

Decree “On strengthening the principles of religious tolerance” dated April 17, 1905 and the provisions of the 7th chapter of the Code of Basic State Laws (dated April 23, 1906), by which the Orthodox were allowed to freely convert to other faiths, and all those not belonging to the ruling church were subjects of the Russian states and foreigners to enjoy “everywhere the free exercise of their faith and worship according to its rites” only led to the penetration of ideas of proselytism and missionaries into Russia, the creation of various kinds of sects and the strengthening of the schism in the highest Orthodox clergy.

In addition to the State Duma, the Manifesto of October 17, 1905 also changed the functions of the rest of the highest government institutions of the empire. By decree of October 19, 1905, the Council of Ministers became a permanent body responsible to the Tsar. That is, he did not become a cabinet in the European sense, since he was not responsible to the Duma. Ministers were also appointed by the emperor. By decree of February 20, 1906, the State Council was turned into the upper house of parliament as a counterweight to the Duma. Now half of the members of the State Council were appointed by the tsar (including the chairman and vice-chairman), and the other half were elected from zemstvos, noble assemblies and universities.

However, hopes for the “pacification” of Russia were not justified, since the Manifesto was regarded in left-wing circles as a concession to the autocracy, and in right-wing circles as a royal favor. This, in turn, determined the very contradictory and half-hearted nature of the transformations associated with the implementation of the civil liberties proclaimed by the Manifesto. A direct consequence of the release of the October Manifesto was the emergence of legal political parties, trade unions and other public organizations, as well as the legal opposition press.

The Decree of March 4, 1906 “On temporary rules on societies and unions” regulated the activities of political parties, the activities of which were legalized by the Manifesto of October 17. This was the first legal act in the history of Russia that officially allowed and established certain rules for the activities of various political entities, including opposition ones. Societies and unions could be formed without “asking for permission from government authorities” on the basis of compliance with the rules established by decree. First of all, societies pursuing goals contrary to public morality or prohibited by criminal law, threatening public peace and security, as well as those managed by institutions or persons located abroad, if the societies pursue political goals, were prohibited.

At the beginning of the century, about 100 parties were created, which can be divided into: conservative-monarchist, conservative-liberal (Octobrists), liberal (Cadet), neo-populist, social-democratic and nationalist. The Constitutional Democratic Party (self-name - “Party of People's Freedom”) took organizational form at its first congress in Moscow on October 12-18, 1905. In the spring and summer of 1906, there were about 50 thousand people in the party (of which 8 thousand were in Moscow and St. Petersburg). The Union of October 17 party was formed after the publication of the Tsar's manifesto on October 17, 1905. The total number of the party in 1905-1907 was about 50-60 thousand members. At the same time, the number of the Moscow organization reached about 9-10 thousand, and the St. Petersburg organization reached about 14 thousand people. Law-abiding parties of the center, which later merged with the Octobrists, include the Trade and Industrial Union (established in St. Petersburg in October-November 1905 and dissolved at the end of 1906), the Moderate Progressive Party (formed in October-November 1905 in Moscow); the St. Petersburg Progressive Economic Party (emerged in October-November 1905) and the Right Order Party (emerged in St. Petersburg in mid-October 1905). As for the Black Hundred organizations, they arose even before the publication of the Manifesto. Thus, the Russian Assembly was formed in the fall of 1900, the Union of Russian People (in October 1905, transformed into the Union of the Russian People) and the Russian Monarchist Party - in March 1905. The total number of these organizations by the summer of 1906 was more than 250 thousand members. The left parties, whose formation began at the end of the 19th century, did not expect the Tsar’s Manifesto either. The formation of trade unions also took place without waiting for the Manifesto to appear.

In the six-month activity of the cabinet of S.Yu. Witte devoted much attention to reforms related to the implementation of the civil liberties proclaimed by the Manifesto - laws on societies and unions, on meetings and the press. But on the other hand, already in mid-February 1906, Witte switched to the position of a supporter of unlimited tsarist power and began to prove that the Manifesto of October 17 not only did not mean a constitution, but could also be canceled “every hour.”

A clear example of the limited nature of reforms in the field of citizens' rights is censorship legislation, which, as a result of all amendments and innovations, by 1904 was essentially reduced to the Charter of 1828. Another thing is that in the wake of the revolution, publishers actually stopped turning to censorship for permission. Under these conditions, the government was satisfied with the hastily prepared next Temporary Rules on time-based publications dated November 24, 1905. They abolished preliminary censorship and the system of administrative penalties. The latter, however, continued to be applied on the basis of the 1881 Law on the State of Exception, which was extended to a significant part of the territory of Russia. The right of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to prohibit discussion in the press of any issue of national importance was abolished, but individual issues of newspapers and magazines could be seized by order of an official with the simultaneous initiation of prosecution.

On April 23, 1906, four days before the start of the Duma, Nicholas II, by personal decree, approved the “Basic Laws” (Constitution) of the Russian Empire, prepared by a special commission headed by S.Yu. Witte. The count himself defined the regime being established as “legal autocracy.” The Constitution broadly declared fundamental freedoms and rights: judicial protection of the private property of subjects (forced confiscation of the latter was allowed only in court and with prior equivalent compensation); the right to legal representation in the event of arrest and transfer of the case to a jury trial; the right to freely choose your place of residence and freely travel abroad. True, there was no mass exodus of the “non-noble classes” (80% of the population) abroad, with the exception of small groups of revolutionaries. The definition of the tsar’s power as unlimited was removed from the Basic Laws (he exercised legislative power together with the Duma and the State Council), but the title “autocratic” was retained. The prerogatives of the tsar were declared: revision of basic laws, higher state administration, leadership of foreign policy, supreme command of the armed forces, declaration of war and peace, declaration of a state of exception and martial law, the right to mint coins, appointment and dismissal of ministers, pardon of convicts and general amnesty. But the imperial family was not subject to civil and criminal law.

BY GOD'S GRACE,
WE, NICHOLAY THE SECOND,
EMPEROR AND AUTOCRATIC ALL-RUSSIAN,
KING OF POLISH, GRAND DUKE OF FINNISH
AND ETC., AND ETC., AND ETC.

We declare everything to Our loyal subjects:

Unrest and unrest in the capitals and in many localities of the empire fill our hearts with our great and grave sorrow. The good of the Russian sovereign is inseparable from the good of the people, and the people's sorrow is his sorrow. The unrest that has now arisen may result in deep national disorder and a threat to the integrity and unity of our state.

The great vow of royal service commands us with all the forces of our reason and power to strive for a speedy end to the unrest that is so dangerous for the state. Having ordered the subject authorities to take measures to eliminate direct manifestations of disorder, riots and violence, in order to protect peaceful people striving for the calm fulfillment of everyone’s duty, we, for the most successful implementation of the general measures we intend to pacify public life, recognized it as necessary to unite the activities of the highest government.

We entrust the government with the responsibility of fulfilling our unyielding will:

1. Grant the population the unshakable foundations of civil freedom on the basis of actual personal inviolability, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and association.

2. Without stopping the scheduled elections to the State Duma, now attract to participation in the Duma, to the extent possible, corresponding to the shortness of the period remaining before the convocation of the Duma, those classes of the population that are now completely deprived of voting rights, thereby allowing for the further development of the beginning of general suffrage again established legislative order.

3. Establish as an unshakable rule that no law can take effect without the approval of the State Duma and that those elected by the people are provided with the opportunity to truly participate in monitoring the regularity of the actions of the authorities decreed by us.

We call on all the faithful sons of Russia to remember their duty to their Motherland, to help put an end to this unheard-of unrest and, together with us, to strain all their strength to restore silence and peace in their native land.

Given in Peterhof, on the 17th day of October, in the year of Christ one thousand nine hundred and five, the eleventh of our reign.

On the original His Imperial Majesty's Own hand is signed:

"NICHOLAY".

Vitenberg B. Political experience of Russian parliamentarism (1906-1917): Historical essay // New Journal. 1996. No. 1. P. 166-192

Leiberov I.P., Margolis Yu.D., Yurkovsky N.K. Traditions of democracy and liberalism in Russia // Questions of history. 1996. No. 2. P. 3-14

Medushevsky A.N. Constitutional monarchy in Russia // Questions of history. 1994. No. 8. P. 30-46

Orlova N.V. Political parties of Russia: pages of history. M., 1994

Political history of Russia in parties and persons. M., 1993

On what basis did the Manifesto grant the population “the unshakable foundations of civil freedom”?

What exclusive right did the State Duma receive in the field of passing laws?

Why did the emperor decide to publish the Manifesto?

What legal acts were adopted based on the Manifesto?

Days. Russia in the Revolution 1917 Shulgin Vasily Vitalievich

First day of the "constitution" (October 18, 1905)

First day of the "constitution"

We drank morning tea. At night a stunning manifesto arrived. The newspapers came out with sensational headlines: “The Constitution.”

In addition to the usual family members, there was another lieutenant at tea. He was the chief of the guard posted at our estate.

The guard had been standing for several days. “The Kievite” went sharply against the “liberation movement”... Its editor, Professor Dmitry Ivanovich Pikhno, belonged to those few people who immediately, according to the “alpha” (1905), defined the “omega” (1917) of the Russian revolution...

The sharp struggle of the “Kyivian” with the revolution kept a significant number of Kiev residents in counter-revolutionary feelings. But, on the other hand, it infuriated the revolutionaries. In view of this, by order of the highest military authority, the “Kievlanin” was guarded.

The lieutenant, the chief of the guard, who drank tea with us, was very excited.

“Constitution, constitution,” he exclaimed helplessly. - Yesterday I knew what to do... Well, they will come - I must not let them in. First with persuasion, and then, if they don’t listen, with weapons. So what now? Now what? Is it possible to shoot under the constitution? Are there old laws? Or maybe I will be put on trial for this?

He nervously stirred the sugar in his glass. Then suddenly, as if having found a solution, he quickly finished his drink.

- Let me stand up...

And answering my thoughts:

“Still, if they come and make a mess, I won’t allow it.” I don’t know what a constitution is, but I know the garrison charter... Let them come...

The lieutenant left. D.I. (Pichno) nervously walked around the room. Then he spoke, interrupting himself, thinking, and starting to speak again.

– It was madness to throw out this manifesto, without any preparation, without any warning... How many lieutenants are there now who don’t know what to do... who are wondering what to do “under the constitution”... this one has found its way out... God grant that it will be prototype... so that the army understands...

But how difficult it will be for them, how difficult it will be for them... how difficult it will be for everyone. Officers, officials, police, governors and all authorities... Such acts were always prepared... They were reported in advance to the local authorities, and instructions were given on how to understand and how to act... And then they hit... like a hammer on the head... and each young man sorted it out according to his own example .

There will be a mess, there will be a desperate mess... There, in St. Petersburg, they have lost their heads out of fear... or nothing, they don’t understand anything... I will telegraph Witte, God knows what they are doing, they are making a revolution themselves. The revolution is being made because St. Petersburg is shaking. Give a good shout once, and everyone will fall into place... These are all cowards, they only rebel because they are afraid of them. And if they saw the firmness, they would now hide... But in St. Petersburg they don’t dare, they themselves are afraid. There, the real reason for the revolution is fear, weakness...

Now they have launched this manifesto. Constitution! They think this will calm things down. Crazy people! Is it possible to calm down with an obvious expression of fear? Reassure whom? Dreamy constitutionalists. These guys won’t give in to trouble anyway, but this won’t calm down the dynamite guys. On the contrary, now they will take inspiration, now they will lead the assault.

I'm not talking about the substance anymore. It is done. You can't go back. But who knows how long Russia will last without autocracy. Will “constitutional Russia” withstand some formidable test... “For the faith, the Tsar and the Fatherland” - they died, and this is how Russia was created. But for people to go and die “for the State Duma” is nonsense.

But this is ahead... Now to repel the assault. Because there will be an assault. Now they will climb. The manifesto will flood them like kerosene. And now the only hope is for the lieutenants. Yes, for lieutenants like ours. If the lieutenants understand their duty, they will repay...

But who amazes me are the Jews. Crazy, completely crazy people. They are digging their own grave with their own hands... and they are in a hurry, in a hurry - so as not to be late... They do not understand that in Russia any revolution will take place over the Jewish corpses. They don’t understand... They don’t understand what they are playing with. But close, close...

There was some alarming movement in the house. Everyone rushed to the windows.

We lived in a one-story mansion that occupied the corner of Karavaevskaya and Kuznechnaya. The corner room had a clear view. A crowd was approaching from above Karavaevskaya, from the university. Blue student caps were mixed with all sorts of others.

- Look, look... They have red... red badges...

Indeed, almost everyone was wearing something red.

There were also some red flags with inscriptions on which the word “down” was fluttered. They were all shouting something. Through the closed windows, a roar burst out from open mouths, a terrible roar of the crowd.

- Well, the assault begins...

Next to our mansion there is a three-story house; it housed the editorial office and printing house. There, in front of that teasing “Kyivian” sign, something was supposed to play out. I rushed there across the yard. In the yard I ran into our lieutenant. He shouted as he ran:

- Guard out!

At this cry, the soldiers ran out of their premises.

Lined up.

- Right! Step march! Behind me!

He quickly led the platoon through the gate, and I walked straight through the lobby.

Two sentries, guns at the ready, guarded the front door. The crowd roared, egged on by the students... The sentries sometimes looked quickly back through the glass doors, waiting for help. The crowd grew bolder, advancing, the students were already on the sidewalk.

- Stand back, soldiers! Now freedom, constitution.

The sentries, without lowering their bayonets, persuaded those closest to them.

- They tell you, gentlemen, you can’t come here! Come on in! If you want freedom, then move on. Oh, my God, and also educated!

But the “educated” did not listen to the persuasion of the “ignorant”. They needed to get to the hated editorial office of Kievlyanin.

The moment came when the sentries had to either shoot, or their rifles would be snatched from them. They turned pale and began to huddle towards the doors.

At this time the lieutenant arrived. Having rounded the corner, the lieutenant cleared his way with a revolver in his hands.

A moment later, a gray living palisade, lining up at the door, covered the pale sentries.

- Back! Besiege! I will shoot! The lieutenant's voice was clear and confident. But the students, as intellectuals, could not give up so easily...

- Mr. Officer! You must understand! Now freedom! Now the constitution!

- Constitution! Hooray!

Electrifying itself, the crowd rushed... The command was heard: - At the advancing crowd - fire - by a platoon!!! The gray palisade threw his left legs and rifles forward, and the characteristic, not loud, but terribly clear knock of the bolts was heard...

- Yes, D.I. was right... A stern shout was enough, behind which “a strong will is felt”...

Seeing that they were not being joked with, the crowd cowered and, cursing, besieged.

And in the ensuing silence a quiet command was heard, which for some reason is always pronounced in a contemptuous basso:

- Leave it alone!..

I went out for a walk. Something unprecedented was happening in the city. It seemed that everyone who could walk was on the streets. In any case, all Jews. But there seemed to be even more of them than there were, thanks to their defiant behavior. They did not hide their jubilation. The crowd burst into all colors. Ladies and young ladies in red skirts appeared from somewhere. Red bows, cockades, and bandages competed with them. All this was shouting, noisy, shouting at each other, winking at each other.

But there were also many Russians. Nobody understood anything well. Almost everyone wore red rosettes. The Russian crowd in Kyiv, largely monarchist in the old days, thought that since the sovereign gave a manifesto, then this is how it should be - that means we should rejoice. The red masquerade was, of course, suspicious. But now we have a constitution. Maybe that's how it's supposed to be.

Streams of people from all streets were directed towards the main street - Khreshchatyk. Something big was happening here.

The crowd flooded the wide street from edge to edge. Among this sea of ​​heads stood some huge boxes, also hung with people. I didn’t immediately realize that these were stopped trams. From the roofs of these trams, some people were making speeches, waving their arms, but, over the roar of the crowd, nothing could be heard. They opened their mouths like fish thrown on the sand. All the balconies and windows were full of people.

They were also trying to shout something from the balconies, and from under their feet hung purple carpets and long red stripes, apparently torn from the tricolor national flags.

The crowd was excited, in general, joyful, and they rejoiced in different ways: some annoyingly, others with “quiet joy,” but everyone was generally stupid and drunk from their own multitude. The crowd was chasing the officers, trying to pin red rosettes on them. Some agreed, not understanding what the matter was, not knowing what to do - since the “constitution”. Then they were grabbed by the hands, rocked, carried... Here and there the helpless figures of these people riding in the crowd were visible...

Starting from Nikolaevskaya, the crowd stood as if in a church. Around the City Duma, the bay square and the adjacent streets, and especially Institutskaya, the crowd of people crowded even more...

We tried to hear the speakers speaking from the Duma balcony. It was difficult to make out what they were saying...

Somewhat to the side of the Duma, some part of the equestrian formation stood motionless.

I am back. There scenes, like the morning one, were repeated many times. Many times a crowd approached, screaming, threatening, trying to break in. They demanded, in the name of something, that all newspapers, and especially Kievlyanin, go on strike.

But the Kiev typesetters held out for now. They were nervous, it’s true, and it was impossible not to be nervous, because this roar of the crowd terrified the soul. What could be more terrible, more terrible, more disgusting than a crowd? Of all the animals, she is the lowest and most terrible beast, for to the eye she has a thousand human heads, but in reality there is one shaggy, bestial heart, thirsty for blood...

We had a peculiar relationship with the Kiev typesetters. Many of them worked for Kievlyanin for so long that they became, as it were, a continuation of the editorial family. D.I. was a strict man, completely devoid of sentimentality, but very kind - somehow justly, reasonably kind. He was always bothered by the idea of ​​typesetters being poisoned by lead, and in general he found it hard work. Therefore, Kiev typesetters annually spent one month on our estate - on vacation. Apparently they appreciated it. Be that as it may, D.I. firmly announced to them that “Kievlyanin” must be released at all costs. And while they held on, they recruited...

Meanwhile, the atmosphere near the City Council was heating up. The speeches of the speakers became more and more bold as it became clear that the highest authorities in the region were at a loss, not knowing what to do. The manifesto took her by surprise, there were no instructions from St. Petersburg, and they themselves were afraid to decide on anything.

And so from the Duma balcony they began to boldly call for “overthrow” and “for uprising.” Some of those nearby began to understand what was going on, but others heard nothing and understood nothing. The revolutionaries greeted revolutionary slogans, shouted “hurray” and “down,” and the huge crowd standing around took up...

The cavalry unit, which stood somewhat apart from the Duma, was still present, motionless and inactive.

The officers still didn’t understand anything either. - After all, the constitution!..

And suddenly many understood... Whether it happened by accident or on purpose - no one would ever know... But during the height of the speeches about the “overthrow,” the royal crown, mounted on the Duma balcony, suddenly fell off or was torn off and, in front of a crowd of ten thousand, crashed onto the dirty pavement. The metal rang pitifully against the stones...

And the crowd gasped. The words ran through her in an ominous whisper: “The Jews threw off the royal crown...

This opened the eyes of many. Some began to leave the square. But they were followed by stories about what was happening in the Duma building itself.

And this is what was happening in the Duma. The crowd, among which the Jews were the most prominent, burst into the meeting room and, in revolutionary fury, tore up all the royal portraits hanging in the hall. Some emperors had their eyes gouged out, others were subjected to all sorts of other tortures. Some red-haired Jewish student, having pierced the portrait of the reigning emperor with his head, wore the pierced canvas on himself, shouting frantically:

- Now I am a king!

But the cavalry part of the Duma still stood motionless and indifferent. The officers still didn't understand.

But they also understood when fire was opened on them from the windows of the Duma and from its entrances.

Then, finally, the hitherto motionless grays perked up. Having fired several volleys at the Duma building, they rushed forward.

The crowd fled in horror. Everything was confused - revolutionaries and civilians, Russians and Jews. Everyone fled in panic, and half an hour later Khreshchatyk was cleared of all demonstrations. The “lieutenants”, awakened by shots from the lethargy into which their manifesto with the “constitution” had plunged them, carried out their duties...

Approximately similar scenes played out in some other parts of the city. All this can be summarized in the following bulletin:

In the morning: festive mood - exuberant among the Jews, - by “highest command” - among the Russians; the troops are at a loss.

During the day: revolutionary performances: speeches, appeals, symbolic actions, destruction of royal portraits, troops - inactive.

Toward Twilight: Revolutionary Attack on Troops, Awakening of Troops, Volleys and Flight.

Here, on Karavaevskaya, it became creepier with the onset of darkness. The typesetters were still typing, but they were very shaking. This is what they did now: they turned off the electricity when a crowd approached and sent out to say that work had been stopped. When the crowd left, they lit up again and worked until the next invasion. But it became more and more difficult.

I went outside from time to time. It was dark, warm and humid. It was as if the streets were empty, but one could feel the sick, anxious pulse of the city.

One day, when I returned, I was met in the courtyard by a group of typesetters.

They were apparently excited. I realized that they had just left D.I.

– It’s impossible, Vasily Vitalievich, we ourselves would like to, but there’s no way. We had these damn ones.

– Yes, from the strikers, from the “committee”. They threaten: “You work here under guard, so we will slaughter your families!” Well, what to do here?! We told Dmitry Ivanovich: we want to work and we don’t make any of these “demands,” but we’re afraid...

- What is he?

– And he told us so much that, believe me, Vasily Vitalievich, my heart turned upside down. No angry words, but just said: “I ask you not for myself, but for ourselves and for Russia...” You cannot give in!.. If you give in to them now, they will ruin everything, and you yourself will be without a piece of bread, and Russia will be the same !.. And it’s true, it will be like this... And we know and understand... But we don’t dare - we’re afraid... for our families... What to do?...

It was strange for me to see these faces, familiar from childhood in a completely different way, so excited and so sincere.

They all crowded around me in the semi-darkness of the poorly lit courtyard and told me in interrupted voices. I realized that these people sincerely would like to “not give in,” but... it’s scary...

And really, is there anything scarier than a crowd?..

They left, two remained. It was Sh...o and another one - the oldest typesetters of "Kievlyanin".

Sh...o grabbed my hands. - Vasily Vitalievich! We will type!.. Here are the two of us... We will type one sheet - two pages... After all, it’s not so important that there is a lot, but so as not to give in... And for Dmitry Ivanovich’s article to be published... We all know, we understand everything...

He shook my hands. – I’ve been working on these machines for forty years - even if I shed blood on them... Vasily Vitalievich, give me a ruble... for vodka!

He was already a little drunk and began to cry. I kissed the old man and handed him money, he ran into the darkness of the street for vodka...

- Your honor! They're coming again. This has happened many times this day. - Guard, out! - the lieutenant shouted. The platoon was forming up. But at this time the soldier came running again. - Your honor! These are some others. I walked through the lobby. The sentry was talking to some group of people. There were about thirty of them. I entered the huddle.

- What do you want, gentlemen?

They all started talking together.

- Mr. Officer... We wanted... we wanted... the editor of “Kievlyanin”... the professor... that is, Mr. Pikhno... we went to him... yes... because... Mr. Officer... is that really possible?! what are they doing!.. what right do they have?! they threw off the crown... they tore up the royal portraits... how dare they!.. we wanted to tell the professor...

– Did you want to see him?

- Yes, yes... Mr. Officer... there were a lot of us coming... hundreds, thousands... The police didn’t let us in... And since we, that is, are not against the police, we broke into groups... so they told us that we would definitely get to the “Kievlyanin” "to tell the professor... Dmitry Ivanovich...

D.I. was terribly tired that day. He was tormented all day. It is impossible to list how many people stayed in our little mansion. All this pressed against him, understanding nothing of what was happening, demanding instructions, explanations, advice and support. He gave this support beyond his own strength. But I felt that these people could not be refused either. We were at a turning point. Those who made their way here are the foam of the reverse wave...

- That's what... everyone can't. Pick four... I'll take you to the editor.

In the editorial lobby.

– I am the editor of Kievlyanin. What do you want?

There were four of them: three in shirtfronts and boots, the fourth in a blouse and boots.

- Here we are... here I am, for example, a hairdresser... and here they are...

- I am an official: I serve in the excise department... in the office.

- And I am a merchant. I have a grocery store... And this is a worker.

- Yes, I am a worker... A mechanic... these Jews are holy...

“Wait,” the hairdresser interrupted him, “so we, Mr. Editor, are, so to speak, different people, that is, different occupations...”

“Your subscribers,” said the official.

“Thank you, Mr. Editor, for writing the truth,” the shopkeeper suddenly said, excitedly.

“Why?.. Because your newspaper is not Jewish,” the mechanic said in a deep voice.

“Wait,” the hairdresser stopped him, “we, so to speak, that is, they told us: “Go to the editor of Kievlyanin, Mr. Professor, and tell him that we cannot do this, that we do not agree... that we We won’t allow that..."

– What right do they have! – the shopkeeper suddenly became terribly angry. - You worship the red rag - well, to hell with you! And I worship the tricolor. And my fathers and grandfathers worshiped. What right do you have to forbid me?..

“Beat the Jews,” the worker rang, as if he had hit an anvil with a hammer.

“Wait,” the barber stopped again, “we came, so to speak, to also... No, there’s no need to hit,” he turned to the worker. - No, not to hit, but, so to speak, peacefully. But in order to show everyone that we, so to speak, don’t want... we don’t agree... we won’t allow it...

- Mr. Editor, we want, like them, a demonstration, a manifestation... Only they are with the Reds, and we are with the Tricolors...

“Let’s take the portrait of the Emperor and go all over the city... That’s what we want...” the shopkeeper spoke. - We’ll serve a prayer service and go in a religious procession...

- They are with red flags, and we are with banners... - They are tearing up the royal portraits, and we, so to speak, will publicly restore them...

“The crown has been torn off,” the worker boomed. - Beat them, beat the Jew, you damned bastard!..

- This is what we want... this is what we were after... to find out... is it good?.. Your, so to speak, consent...

All four fell silent, waiting for an answer. From D.I.’s face, which I knew well, I saw what was happening to him. This face, so insignificant in ordinary times, now... gray, kind eyes from under strong eyebrows and this deep fold of will between them.

- I'll tell you what. Does it hurt, does it burn you?.. And it burns me. Maybe it hurts more than it hurts you... But there is more than what hurts you and me... There is Russia... You only need to think about one thing: how to help her... How to help this sovereign, against whom they launched an assault... How to help him . There is only one way to help him: to support the authorities he installed. Support this governor general, the police, the troops, the officers, the army... How can we support them? Just one thing: keep order. You want a manifestation “following their example”, a patriotic manifestation... Your very good feelings, holy feelings - only one thing is bad - that “following their example” you want to do this. What is their example? They started with a manifestation and ended with volleys. That’s how you’ll end up... You’ll start with a religious procession, and you’ll end up doing such things that the authorities will have to shoot at you... And you won’t be of any help, and you’ll also terribly complicate the position of the authorities... because the authorities will have to fight on two fronts, on two sides... And with them and with you. If you want to help, there is only one way, only one.

-Which one, which one? Tell. Then they walked... - The method is simple, although difficult: “everything is in its place.” Everything is in place. Here you are a hairdresser - for a razor. You are a trader - behind the counter. You are an official - for service. You are a worker - for the hammer. Don't hit the Jews, but hit the anvil with a hammer. You must become “for work”, for daily honest work - against the demonstration and against the strike. If we want to help the authorities, we will let them fulfill their duty. It is her duty to pacify the rioters. And the authorities will do this if we move away from them, because there are actually few of them. And although they are insolent, they are vile cowards...

“That’s right,” the worker concluded. - Beat them, you lousy bastard!!!

“They left, seemingly agreeing on the outside, but dissatisfied on the inside. When the door closed, D.I. somehow shrank, then waved his hand, and in his eyes there was an expression with which they look at something inevitable:

- There will be a pogrom...

Half an hour later, various police stations called the editorial office that a Jewish pogrom had begun.

One eyewitness tells how it happened in one place: “The bath attendants came out of the bathhouse in a crowd. One of them climbed a telephone pole. Now a crowd has gathered around. Then he started shouting from the pillar:

– The Jews threw off the royal crown!.. What right do they have? So, should we let them do that? Should we leave it like that? No, brothers, you're lying!

He climbed down from the pole, snatched a stick from the first person he came across, crossed himself and, swinging it, threw it with all his might at the nearest mirrored display case. Glass fell down, the crowd hooted and rushed through the broken glass into the store...

And off we go...

Thus ended the first day of the “constitution”...