Manifesto October 18, 1905. The highest manifesto on the improvement of public order
On October 17, 1905, Nicholas II issued his famous manifesto, in which he proclaimed a number of political and civil freedoms. In particular: freedom of conscience, freedom of assembly, freedom of speech, a parliament was established, without whose approval not a single law could be adopted.
However, the document was adopted only on October 17, and the rally in Minsk was prepared much earlier. And the city administration seriously thought about suppressing it by force. It was planned to set up military posts throughout the city, especially to guard the railway lines. That is why the manifesto took the city authorities by surprise - freedom of assembly was proclaimed, after all. But, apparently, their misunderstanding of this manifesto led to the event, which in history was called the Kurlovsky execution.
Further events developed as follows. The rally gathered near the Libavo-Romensky railway station (now Station Square). Initially, there were not very many demonstrators, but by 2 o’clock in the afternoon, when news of the tsar’s manifesto became known, their number increased sharply. In general, according to various estimates, from 10 to 30 thousand people gathered. The main initiators and speakers at the rally were railway workers P. Zhaba and P. Gamzakhurdi.
After the news about the emperor’s decree appeared, a delegation was even sent to the Minsk commandant Kurlov, which proposed to him, firstly, to recognize the meeting as sanctioned (freedom of assembly, after all), and secondly, to release political prisoners from Pishchalovsky Castle (now Pretrial Detention Center No. 1 on Volodarsky street). Kurlov fulfilled both of these requirements. The rally became sanctioned and the prisoners were released. When this became known in the square, the political rally turned into a real celebration. People rejoiced at the freedom they received! A lot of new speakers appeared.
The protesters did not make any attempts to disrupt public order, there was not even a procession - the meeting did not move the entire time.
And so, in the midst of general euphoria, when the rally began to gradually dissolve and people to disperse, shots were fired. Three divisions of the Oka Regiment, along with police officers, opened fire on the rally participants. In his memoirs, Kurlov justified that the soldiers opened fire only when the protesters began to snatch weapons from their hands. But this is not confirmed either by documents, or in the memoirs of the protesters, or by the investigation. Moreover, according to the study of the corpses, most of them were killed by shots in the back and the back of the head. That is, people left or ran away from the military, but did not show aggression or take away their weapons.
Thus, Nicholas’s manifesto turned out to be a complete falsehood. All other officials were simply unprepared for such “freedom.” They continued to live by their imperial ideals, according to which any meeting is illegal, as are the people present at it.
All people's demands to start an investigation into the shooting were ignored. During this execution, several unsuccessful attempts were made on Kurlov. But in the end, not a single culprit was punished. The authorities pretended that everything happened as planned.
After the execution, Minsk railway workers declared a general strike. They demanded the immediate resignation of Kurlov, the heads of the Minsk Gendarmerie Police Department on the railway and the Minsk Provincial Gendarme Police Department, as well as the removal of all Cossacks from the city. These demands were ignored and strikes by railway workers spread throughout Belarus. They were stopped only in the spring.
October 18 (October 30, new style) should become a black day of the calendar in Belarusian history. According to various estimates, from 60 to 100 people died that day, and the number of wounded is incalculable. This day should be a sign of barbarism when people are shot in the back (apparently out of fear of their reaction). And the names of such people as Kurlov (Minsk governor), Cherntsov (vice-governor), Colonel von Wildemann-Klopman (police chief) are written in black ink in the history of the country.
112 years ago, Nicholas II proclaimed freedom of speech and assembly and established the State Duma. The first days after the reform were remembered for the escalation of revolutionary violence, executions, dispersal of protesters and pogroms by monarchists.
In October 1905, the All-Russian October political strike began, which became the apogee of the First Russian Revolution. Moscow railway workers went on strike, then the strike spread to the whole country, including St. Petersburg. Almost all large industrial enterprises in the capital were on strike. The railway network of the European part of Russia was paralyzed.
The royal family was blocked in Peterhof; ministers arrived by steamship to report to the emperor. Post office, telegraph, telephone did not work, there was no electricity or gas. Nevsky Prospekt was without power and was illuminated only by a searchlight from the Admiralty.
A rally near St. Petersburg University after the Tsar's manifesto. You can see a red flag being attached to the cross.
On October 13 (26), 1905, Social Democrats and capital workers formed the St. Petersburg Council of Workers' Deputies, which led the strike movement and by October 17 (30) and, due to its influence, became an alternative “government” in the capital paralyzed by the strike.
It was headed by non-party Social Democrat lawyer Georgy Khrustalev-Nosar. The “non-factional social democrat” Leon Trotsky enjoyed great influence in the Council.
“Don’t spare cartridges”
On October 14 (27), the famous order of Comrade (Deputy) Minister of Internal Affairs and St. Petersburg Governor General Dmitry Trepov appeared: “Do not spare cartridges.” Soviet historiography made him a symbol of the authorities' brutality towards protesters. However, the full version of the quote clarified that firearms were going to be used only in case of crowd resistance: “If... there were attempts to create unrest anywhere, then they would be stopped at the very beginning and, therefore, would not receive serious development. I have given orders to the troops and police to suppress any such attempt immediately and in the most decisive manner; if there is resistance from the crowd, do not fire blank volleys and do not spare cartridges.”
St. Petersburg Governor General Trepov remained in history thanks to a single phrase
Mstislav Dobuzhinsky, “October Idyll”
The protesters were no less cruel to law enforcement in their intentions and actions. The tactics for dealing with individual policemen and soldiers during a strike and on the eve of a planned uprising boiled down to the following: “On the outskirts, attack policemen, beat them and take weapons. Having received a sufficient amount of weapons, quietly kill the arsenal guards and plunder the weapons.” This is the data of secret informants - the revolutionary underground was permeated with them.
“Even without weapons, detachments can play a very serious role: 1) leading the crowd; 2) attacking, at an opportunity, a policeman who accidentally strays from a Cossack... etc. and taking away the weapon.”
Vladimir Lenin in the article “Tasks of the detachments of the revolutionary army,” October 1905
In the same article, Lenin proposed dousing police with acid, and in one October letter he wrote that protesting units should “begin military training in immediate operations, immediately. Some will immediately undertake the murder of a spy, the bombing of a police station... Let each detachment itself learn from at least beating policemen: dozens of victims will more than pay off by providing hundreds of experienced fighters who will lead hundreds of thousands tomorrow.” A few days before the demonstrations of October 18, 1905, a signal was sent to the already radicalized masses to beat up policemen, gendarmes and soldiers.
Naive dreams
On October 17, 1905, at 6 pm, Nicholas II signed the “Highest Manifesto on the Improvement of State Order.” This document established the State Duma and proclaimed a number of freedoms, in particular, freedom of assembly. Many representatives of the bureaucracy greeted this news with undisguised relief. The head of the capital's Security Department, Alexander Gerasimov, recalled how idealistic delight the news of the granted freedoms aroused among high-ranking security officials, Governor Dmitry Trepov and Vice-Director of the Police Department Pyotr Rachkovsky:
Sorry to keep you waiting. Sergei Yulievich just called. Thank God, the manifesto has been signed. Freedoms are given. People's representation is introduced. A new life begins.
Rachkovsky was right next to me and greeted this news with enthusiasm, echoing Trepov:
Thank God, thank God... Tomorrow they will celebrate Christ on the streets of St. Petersburg,” said Rachkovsky. And, half-jokingly, half-seriously addressing me, he continued: “Your business is bad.” You won't have any work now.
I answered him:
No one will be as happy about this as I am. I will gladly resign. From here I went to the mayor Dedyulin. There they met me with the text of the manifesto in their hands and said the same words as Trepov:
Well, thank God. Now a new life will begin.
Memoirs of Alexander Gerasimov
Rachkovsky’s naive dreams were not destined to come true.
Rallies, executions and pogroms on October 18, 1905: map
Freedom Festival
At night, the manifesto was posted on the streets of St. Petersburg. Liberal oppositionist, lawyer Vladimir Kuzmin-Karavaev witnessed this: “On the dimly lit Nevsky Prospekt... here and there there were groups of people, in close rings surrounding the person reading a manuscript or printed text. Small groups of demonstrators passed by. “Hurray” was heard. Soldiers and policemen listened attentively to the reading along with the students and workers.” Newsboys shouting “Constitution!” began selling the evening supplement to the Government Gazette. Night onlookers even applauded the Cossack patrols in a fit of enthusiasm.
The first rumors and news about the manifesto appeared at night, and in the morning the first rallies of awakened citizens gathered, then they turned into real revolutionary “festivals of freedom.” Demonstrators captured the city center - this had never happened before in Tsarist Russia and the next time it would happen again only during the February Revolution.
The rallies took place near the University building, the Kazan Cathedral and the Technological Institute, where police had arrested students the day before after a cavalry patrol was fired upon. No one understood whether the demonstrations were legal after the manifesto was published. The old rules and orders were no longer in effect, and new ones had not yet been issued. But both the city authorities and the lower ranks that day, with rare exceptions, did not interfere with the protest element.
“The policemen - some gloomily hid in the gateways, others - a few - looked at the procession and the red flags with a smile, and others looked at the procession and red flags with unconcealed anger and threat. So the youth shouted: Hey, Pharaoh, under the visor! The red flag is coming! And, looking around as if hunted, they reluctantly trumped.”
Revolutionary Boris Perez
Shooting on Zagorodny and dispersal at the Technological Institute
One of the demonstrations, at about 3 p.m., moved from Nevsky Prospekt along Zagorodny to the Technological Institute to free the students arrested the day before. When the crowd approached the corner of Gorokhovaya Street and Zagorodny Prospekt, one of the companies of the Semenovsky Life Guards Regiment emerged from Begovoy Lane. She blocked the avenue, preventing demonstrators from connecting with the second revolutionary crowd at the Technological Institute and attempting to free the arrested students.
The demonstrators began to turn onto Gorokhovaya Street. A young man climbed onto a lamppost and began a speech about the need to overthrow the sovereign, remove troops from the streets into barracks, resign the governor-general and organize a people's militia. The soldiers of the Semenovsky regiment fired a volley, it killed the speaker and wounded four, including a seven-year-old boy. The officers exceeded their authority, even according to Trepov’s order “Do not spare cartridges.” The demonstrators did not resist, being opposite the soldiers, the demonstration was ready to turn onto Gorokhovaya Street.
This is how the revolutionaries depicted the atrocities of the authorities near the Technological Institute
Even before the shooting of the demonstration on Zagorodny Prospekt, a motley crowd gathered near the building of the Technological Institute. There were also companies of the Semenovsky regiment and a squadron of horse guards. The police certificate (report of the police chief of the IV district of Halle) reported that the Semyonovites were given “instructions to take decisive measures on their part only in the event of aggressive actions of the crowd.” The guardsmen were commanded by the captain of the Semenovsky regiment Levstrem, the cavalry squadron of cornet Frolov was subordinate to him.
As stated in the same police report, the crowd threw stones at the horse guards. Cornet Frolov asked Levstrem for permission to attack the crowd with the entire squadron. Correspondents of the General Small Newspaper described in detail what happened and indicated that Levstrem formally forbade the attack and only allowed the squadron to move forward towards the crowd. But Frolov ordered the swords to be drawn and harshly and quickly dispersed the crowd of people. In this attack, historian Evgeniy Tarle, a private assistant professor at the university and one of the symbols of the capital’s opposition, was wounded.
An hour after the shooting of the crowd on Zagorodny Prospekt, a student, the general’s son, Alexander Smirnov, attacked the head of the gendarme department of the Tsarskoye Selo Railway, Major General Shmakov. The general and several officers walked along Zagorodny Prospekt. Smirnov considered this particular gendarmerie general to be guilty of the shooting of demonstrators. The attack was not successful: the student only slightly wounded Shmakov’s face with a dull Finnish knife, was seriously wounded by sabers of gendarme officers and was taken to the Obukhov hospital.
At 4 o’clock in the afternoon, on the corner of 8th Rozhdestvenskaya (now 8th Sovetskaya) and Kirillovskaya streets, a crowd with red flags with the inscription “Freedom” surrounded policeman Ivan Kozlovsky. They were going to beat him up because “he allegedly beat up some drunken old man” (from the police report on the incidents). The policeman drew his saber and retreated into the courtyard of his barracks on Kirillovskaya Street. Stones were thrown at the gate, Kozlovsky shot several times through the gate bars and wounded two. The crowd dispersed.
Jewish pogroms
On the night of October 19, monarchist-minded pogromists became more active in the capital. A crowd of about 1,000 people flying a white flag - the color of the monarchy - near the Apraksin market attacked and beat several Jews walking and driving from Nevsky Prospekt. Opposite house No. 25 on Sadovaya Street, an honorary citizen, pharmacist Lev Ginitsinsky, was beaten, and at house No. 29, pharmacist's assistant Vladislav Benyaminovich was beaten. The police arrived in time and snatched the victims from the hands of the crowd. The local police officer and police officers Kozlovsky and Popov received a blow with a stick from the pogromists.
Future Duma deputy Vasily Shulgin, in his memoirs with a touch of anti-Semitism, described the victorious frenzy of supporters of the revolution at the City Duma in Kyiv:
“During the height of the speeches about the “overthrow,” the royal crown, fixed on the Duma balcony, suddenly fell off or was torn off and, in front of a crowd of ten thousand, crashed onto the dirty pavement. The metal rang pitifully against the stones... And the crowd gasped. The words ran through her in an ominous whisper: “The Jews threw off the royal crown... The crowd, among which the Jews stood out most, burst into the meeting room and, in revolutionary fury, tore all the royal portraits hanging in the hall. Some emperors had their eyes gouged out, others were subjected to all sorts of other tortures. Some red-haired Jewish student, having pierced the portrait of the reigning emperor with his head, wore the pierced canvas on himself, frantically shouting: “Now I am the king!”
Vasily Shulgin “Years”
Various observers wrote about mutually aggressive battles in areas of the discriminatory Jewish Pale of Settlement in October 1905. The German consul in Kharkov, Schiller, reported to his leadership about the prominent role of the Jews: “The first mass meetings in Yekaterinoslav, as I was told by completely trustworthy persons who were eyewitnesses, were organized and led by Jews. At the same time, a group of Jews on the main street tore apart and trampled into the dirt a portrait of the emperor.”
Of course, the main characters in the demonstrations were not only Jews, but they had their own reasons for celebrating the fall of the autocracy.
At the end of the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, there is an appeal: Nicholas II called on “all the faithful sons of Russia to remember their duty to their Motherland, to help put an end to this unheard-of unrest and, together with us, to strain all their strength to restore silence and peace in their native land.” This was a call to loyal subjects to organize themselves and help overcome the consequences of the revolution in the new legal conditions. The call was understood in a peculiar way: pogroms began throughout Russia, beatings of Jews, students and exiled oppositionists.
How the revolutionaries saw the manifesto. Below is the signature: “Major General Trepov had a hand in this sheet.”
After October 17, about 650 pogroms occurred in the Russian Empire in 36 provinces, 100 cities and towns. Almost half are in the Jewish Pale of Settlement.
From October 20 to 22, a particularly brutal pogrom took place in Tomsk. The city, like St. Petersburg, was simultaneously under the rule of radicals and the tsarist administration. On October 19, Tomsk revolutionaries created the Committee of Public Security and the revolutionary police - a squad of workers and students - and tried to seize power from the governor and the police. The administration was demoralized: the manifesto came as a surprise to it. The autocracy fell, the revolution won, which laws are still in effect and which have been abolished? The police were afraid to show themselves on the street, officials were slow in making decisions. On October 19, even before the amnesty decree of October 21 was received, the release of political prisoners began.
On the morning of October 20, right-wing townspeople, many of whom were suffering financial losses due to the general strike, staged a demonstration in support of the emperor. Along the way, four “internal enemies” were killed - as the right-wing press called “Jews, socialists and students.” On Novosobornaya Square, the monarchists clashed with the revolutionary police, who opened fire on the demonstrators. In response, the Cossacks arrested some of the policemen and locked them in the railway administration building. The monarchists set fire to the building and killed those who tried to escape. The police and soldiers were inactive, the city leadership did not react to what was happening. The next day, the beating of Tomsk Jews began. For two days, while the anthem was being sung, the monarchists robbed Jewish stores, but the security forces did not intervene. Only on October 23 did the authorities begin to stop robberies and murders. For another week, students were afraid to appear on the street in their easily recognizable uniform. In total, about 70 people died these days.
Text: Konstantin Makarov, Olga Dmitrievskaya
Layout and map: Nikolay Ovchinnikov
The Supreme Manifesto of October 17, 1905 is a legislative act of the supreme power of the Russian Empire. According to one version, it was developed by Sergei Yulievich Witte on behalf of Emperor Nicholas II. According to other sources, the text of the Manifesto was prepared by A.D. Obolensky and N.I. Vuich, and Witte provided general leadership. There is information that on the day the manifesto was signed, two projects were on the table in front of the tsar: the first was to introduce a military dictatorship (his uncle Nikolai Nikolaevich was planned to be dictator), and the second was a constitutional monarchy. The Tsar himself was inclined towards the first option, but the Grand Duke’s decisive refusal forced him to sign the Manifesto. Adopted under the pressure of the October general political strike and, above all, the railway workers' strike, the Manifesto granted democratic freedoms to society and promised the convening of a legislative State Duma. The main significance of the Manifesto was that it previously distributed the sole right of the emperor between the monarch and the legislative State Duma. As a result of the adoption of the Manifesto by the Emperor, changes were made to the Basic State Laws of the Russian Empire, which actually became the first Russian Constitution.
In the conditions of the First Russian Revolution, it is with this act that the transition from the autocratic form of government in Russia to a constitutional monarchy is traditionally associated, as well as the liberalization of the political regime and the entire way of life in the country. The Manifesto of October 17 granted Russian subjects civil liberties, and the future State Duma was endowed with legislative rights instead of the legislative rights promised earlier on August 6. This Manifesto was based on a new draft of the State Duma, which was aimed at “an early end to the unrest that is so dangerous for the state.” In addition to taking measures to “eliminate direct manifestations of disorder,” the government was entrusted with three tasks: to grant the population the unshakable foundations of civil freedom on the basis of actual inviolability of the person, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and association; to attract to participation in the Duma those classes of the population that are completely deprived of voting rights (we were talking about workers); establish that no law can be adopted without the approval of the State Duma. At the same time, the emperor retained the right to dissolve the Duma and block its decisions with his veto.
The document ended with an appeal “to all the faithful sons of Russia”, together with the sovereign, “to exert all efforts to restore silence and peace in their native land.” But the period from October 18 to October 29, 1905 was marked by another outbreak of violence: during these days about 4 thousand people were killed and about 10 thousand were injured. Such violence became possible due to the confusion of the central and, especially, local authorities after the publication of the Manifesto. The fact is that the Manifesto was prepared in complete secrecy, and after its publication no explanations were made. There is evidence that even the Minister of the Interior found out about it at the same time as everyone else. What can we say about the governors and police chiefs in the provinces, if even the capital’s officials did not know how to act under the terms of the “constitution”.
The manifesto was published simultaneously with the note by S.Yu. Witte addressed to the emperor, which emphasized that the principles of the new order for Russia should “be implemented only insofar as the population acquires the habit and civic skill of them.” In practice, despite the abolition of corporal punishment, the Cossacks and peasants in the community continued to flog the guilty. As before, “lower ranks (soldiers) and dogs” were strictly prohibited from entering parks for the “clean” public. Merchants continued to imprison debtors from the merchant guilds in a commercial debtor's prison.
Decree “On strengthening the principles of religious tolerance” dated April 17, 1905 and the provisions of the 7th chapter of the Code of Basic State Laws (dated April 23, 1906), by which the Orthodox were allowed to freely convert to other faiths, and all those not belonging to the ruling church were subjects of the Russian states and foreigners to enjoy “everywhere the free exercise of their faith and worship according to its rites” only led to the penetration of ideas of proselytism and missionaries into Russia, the creation of various kinds of sects and the strengthening of the schism in the highest Orthodox clergy.
In addition to the State Duma, the Manifesto of October 17, 1905 also changed the functions of the rest of the highest government institutions of the empire. By decree of October 19, 1905, the Council of Ministers became a permanent body responsible to the Tsar. That is, he did not become a cabinet in the European sense, since he was not responsible to the Duma. Ministers were also appointed by the emperor. By decree of February 20, 1906, the State Council was turned into the upper house of parliament as a counterweight to the Duma. Now half of the members of the State Council were appointed by the tsar (including the chairman and vice-chairman), and the other half were elected from zemstvos, noble assemblies and universities.
However, hopes for the “pacification” of Russia were not justified, since the Manifesto was regarded in left-wing circles as a concession to the autocracy, and in right-wing circles as a royal favor. This, in turn, determined the very contradictory and half-hearted nature of the transformations associated with the implementation of the civil liberties proclaimed by the Manifesto. A direct consequence of the release of the October Manifesto was the emergence of legal political parties, trade unions and other public organizations, as well as the legal opposition press.
The Decree of March 4, 1906 “On temporary rules on societies and unions” regulated the activities of political parties, the activities of which were legalized by the Manifesto of October 17. This was the first legal act in the history of Russia that officially allowed and established certain rules for the activities of various political entities, including opposition ones. Societies and unions could be formed without “asking for permission from government authorities” on the basis of compliance with the rules established by decree. First of all, societies pursuing goals contrary to public morality or prohibited by criminal law, threatening public peace and security, as well as those managed by institutions or persons located abroad, if the societies pursue political goals, were prohibited.
At the beginning of the century, about 100 parties were created, which can be divided into: conservative-monarchist, conservative-liberal (Octobrists), liberal (Cadet), neo-populist, social-democratic and nationalist. The Constitutional Democratic Party (self-name - “Party of People's Freedom”) took organizational form at its first congress in Moscow on October 12-18, 1905. In the spring and summer of 1906, there were about 50 thousand people in the party (of which 8 thousand were in Moscow and St. Petersburg). The Union of October 17 party was formed after the publication of the Tsar's manifesto on October 17, 1905. The total number of the party in 1905-1907 was about 50-60 thousand members. At the same time, the number of the Moscow organization reached about 9-10 thousand, and the St. Petersburg organization reached about 14 thousand people. Law-abiding parties of the center, which later merged with the Octobrists, include the Trade and Industrial Union (established in St. Petersburg in October-November 1905 and dissolved at the end of 1906), the Moderate Progressive Party (formed in October-November 1905 in Moscow); the St. Petersburg Progressive Economic Party (emerged in October-November 1905) and the Right Order Party (emerged in St. Petersburg in mid-October 1905). As for the Black Hundred organizations, they arose even before the publication of the Manifesto. Thus, the Russian Assembly was formed in the fall of 1900, the Union of Russian People (in October 1905, transformed into the Union of the Russian People) and the Russian Monarchist Party - in March 1905. The total number of these organizations by the summer of 1906 was more than 250 thousand members. The left parties, whose formation began at the end of the 19th century, did not expect the Tsar’s Manifesto either. The formation of trade unions also took place without waiting for the Manifesto to appear.
In the six-month activity of the cabinet of S.Yu. Witte devoted much attention to reforms related to the implementation of the civil liberties proclaimed by the Manifesto - laws on societies and unions, on meetings and the press. But on the other hand, already in mid-February 1906, Witte switched to the position of a supporter of unlimited tsarist power and began to prove that the Manifesto of October 17 not only did not mean a constitution, but could also be canceled “every hour.”
A clear example of the limited nature of reforms in the field of citizens' rights is censorship legislation, which, as a result of all amendments and innovations, by 1904 was essentially reduced to the Charter of 1828. Another thing is that in the wake of the revolution, publishers actually stopped turning to censorship for permission. Under these conditions, the government was satisfied with the hastily prepared next Temporary Rules on time-based publications dated November 24, 1905. They abolished preliminary censorship and the system of administrative penalties. The latter, however, continued to be applied on the basis of the 1881 Law on the State of Exception, which was extended to a significant part of the territory of Russia. The right of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to prohibit discussion in the press of any issue of national importance was abolished, but individual issues of newspapers and magazines could be seized by order of an official with the simultaneous initiation of prosecution.
On April 23, 1906, four days before the start of the Duma, Nicholas II, by personal decree, approved the “Basic Laws” (Constitution) of the Russian Empire, prepared by a special commission headed by S.Yu. Witte. The count himself defined the regime being established as “legal autocracy.” The Constitution broadly declared fundamental freedoms and rights: judicial protection of the private property of subjects (forced confiscation of the latter was allowed only in court and with prior equivalent compensation); the right to legal representation in the event of arrest and transfer of the case to a jury trial; the right to freely choose your place of residence and freely travel abroad. True, there was no mass exodus of the “non-noble classes” (80% of the population) abroad, with the exception of small groups of revolutionaries. The definition of the tsar’s power as unlimited was removed from the Basic Laws (he exercised legislative power together with the Duma and the State Council), but the title “autocratic” was retained. The prerogatives of the tsar were declared: revision of basic laws, higher state administration, leadership of foreign policy, supreme command of the armed forces, declaration of war and peace, declaration of a state of exception and martial law, the right to mint coins, appointment and dismissal of ministers, pardon of convicts and general amnesty. But the imperial family was not subject to civil and criminal law.
BY GOD'S GRACE,
WE, NICHOLAY THE SECOND,
EMPEROR AND AUTOCRATIC ALL-RUSSIAN,
KING OF POLISH, GRAND DUKE OF FINNISH
AND ETC., AND ETC., AND ETC.
We declare everything to Our loyal subjects:
Unrest and unrest in the capitals and in many localities of the empire fill our hearts with our great and grave sorrow. The good of the Russian sovereign is inseparable from the good of the people, and the people's sorrow is his sorrow. The unrest that has now arisen may result in deep national disorder and a threat to the integrity and unity of our state.
The great vow of royal service commands us with all the forces of our reason and power to strive for a speedy end to the unrest that is so dangerous for the state. Having ordered the subject authorities to take measures to eliminate direct manifestations of disorder, riots and violence, in order to protect peaceful people striving for the calm fulfillment of everyone’s duty, we, for the most successful implementation of the general measures we intend to pacify public life, recognized it as necessary to unite the activities of the highest government.
We entrust the government with the responsibility of fulfilling our unyielding will:
1. Grant the population the unshakable foundations of civil freedom on the basis of actual personal inviolability, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and association.
2. Without stopping the scheduled elections to the State Duma, now attract to participation in the Duma, to the extent possible, corresponding to the shortness of the period remaining before the convocation of the Duma, those classes of the population that are now completely deprived of voting rights, thereby allowing for the further development of the beginning of general suffrage again established legislative order.
3. Establish as an unshakable rule that no law can take effect without the approval of the State Duma and that those elected by the people are provided with the opportunity to truly participate in monitoring the regularity of the actions of the authorities decreed by us.
We call on all the faithful sons of Russia to remember their duty to their Motherland, to help put an end to this unheard-of unrest and, together with us, to strain all their strength to restore silence and peace in their native land.
Given in Peterhof, on the 17th day of October, in the year of Christ one thousand nine hundred and five, the eleventh of our reign.
On the original His Imperial Majesty's Own hand is signed:
"NICHOLAY".
Vitenberg B. Political experience of Russian parliamentarism (1906-1917): Historical essay // New Journal. 1996. No. 1. P. 166-192
Leiberov I.P., Margolis Yu.D., Yurkovsky N.K. Traditions of democracy and liberalism in Russia // Questions of history. 1996. No. 2. P. 3-14
Medushevsky A.N. Constitutional monarchy in Russia // Questions of history. 1994. No. 8. P. 30-46
Orlova N.V. Political parties of Russia: pages of history. M., 1994
Political history of Russia in parties and persons. M., 1993
On what basis did the Manifesto grant the population “the unshakable foundations of civil freedom”?
What exclusive right did the State Duma receive in the field of passing laws?
Why did the emperor decide to publish the Manifesto?
What legal acts were adopted based on the Manifesto?
Days. Russia in the Revolution 1917 Shulgin Vasily Vitalievich
First day of the "constitution" (October 18, 1905)
First day of the "constitution"
We drank morning tea. At night a stunning manifesto arrived. The newspapers came out with sensational headlines: “The Constitution.”
In addition to the usual family members, there was another lieutenant at tea. He was the chief of the guard posted at our estate.
The guard had been standing for several days. “The Kievite” went sharply against the “liberation movement”... Its editor, Professor Dmitry Ivanovich Pikhno, belonged to those few people who immediately, according to the “alpha” (1905), defined the “omega” (1917) of the Russian revolution...
The sharp struggle of the “Kyivian” with the revolution kept a significant number of Kiev residents in counter-revolutionary feelings. But, on the other hand, it infuriated the revolutionaries. In view of this, by order of the highest military authority, the “Kievlanin” was guarded.
The lieutenant, the chief of the guard, who drank tea with us, was very excited.
“Constitution, constitution,” he exclaimed helplessly. - Yesterday I knew what to do... Well, they will come - I must not let them in. First with persuasion, and then, if they don’t listen, with weapons. So what now? Now what? Is it possible to shoot under the constitution? Are there old laws? Or maybe I will be put on trial for this?
He nervously stirred the sugar in his glass. Then suddenly, as if having found a solution, he quickly finished his drink.
- Let me stand up...
And answering my thoughts:
“Still, if they come and make a mess, I won’t allow it.” I don’t know what a constitution is, but I know the garrison charter... Let them come...
The lieutenant left. D.I. (Pichno) nervously walked around the room. Then he spoke, interrupting himself, thinking, and starting to speak again.
– It was madness to throw out this manifesto, without any preparation, without any warning... How many lieutenants are there now who don’t know what to do... who are wondering what to do “under the constitution”... this one has found its way out... God grant that it will be prototype... so that the army understands...
But how difficult it will be for them, how difficult it will be for them... how difficult it will be for everyone. Officers, officials, police, governors and all authorities... Such acts were always prepared... They were reported in advance to the local authorities, and instructions were given on how to understand and how to act... And then they hit... like a hammer on the head... and each young man sorted it out according to his own example .
There will be a mess, there will be a desperate mess... There, in St. Petersburg, they have lost their heads out of fear... or nothing, they don’t understand anything... I will telegraph Witte, God knows what they are doing, they are making a revolution themselves. The revolution is being made because St. Petersburg is shaking. Give a good shout once, and everyone will fall into place... These are all cowards, they only rebel because they are afraid of them. And if they saw the firmness, they would now hide... But in St. Petersburg they don’t dare, they themselves are afraid. There, the real reason for the revolution is fear, weakness...
Now they have launched this manifesto. Constitution! They think this will calm things down. Crazy people! Is it possible to calm down with an obvious expression of fear? Reassure whom? Dreamy constitutionalists. These guys won’t give in to trouble anyway, but this won’t calm down the dynamite guys. On the contrary, now they will take inspiration, now they will lead the assault.
I'm not talking about the substance anymore. It is done. You can't go back. But who knows how long Russia will last without autocracy. Will “constitutional Russia” withstand some formidable test... “For the faith, the Tsar and the Fatherland” - they died, and this is how Russia was created. But for people to go and die “for the State Duma” is nonsense.
But this is ahead... Now to repel the assault. Because there will be an assault. Now they will climb. The manifesto will flood them like kerosene. And now the only hope is for the lieutenants. Yes, for lieutenants like ours. If the lieutenants understand their duty, they will repay...
But who amazes me are the Jews. Crazy, completely crazy people. They are digging their own grave with their own hands... and they are in a hurry, in a hurry - so as not to be late... They do not understand that in Russia any revolution will take place over the Jewish corpses. They don’t understand... They don’t understand what they are playing with. But close, close...
There was some alarming movement in the house. Everyone rushed to the windows.
We lived in a one-story mansion that occupied the corner of Karavaevskaya and Kuznechnaya. The corner room had a clear view. A crowd was approaching from above Karavaevskaya, from the university. Blue student caps were mixed with all sorts of others.
- Look, look... They have red... red badges...
Indeed, almost everyone was wearing something red.
There were also some red flags with inscriptions on which the word “down” was fluttered. They were all shouting something. Through the closed windows, a roar burst out from open mouths, a terrible roar of the crowd.
- Well, the assault begins...
Next to our mansion there is a three-story house; it housed the editorial office and printing house. There, in front of that teasing “Kyivian” sign, something was supposed to play out. I rushed there across the yard. In the yard I ran into our lieutenant. He shouted as he ran:
- Guard out!
At this cry, the soldiers ran out of their premises.
Lined up.
- Right! Step march! Behind me!
He quickly led the platoon through the gate, and I walked straight through the lobby.
Two sentries, guns at the ready, guarded the front door. The crowd roared, egged on by the students... The sentries sometimes looked quickly back through the glass doors, waiting for help. The crowd grew bolder, advancing, the students were already on the sidewalk.
- Stand back, soldiers! Now freedom, constitution.
The sentries, without lowering their bayonets, persuaded those closest to them.
- They tell you, gentlemen, you can’t come here! Come on in! If you want freedom, then move on. Oh, my God, and also educated!
But the “educated” did not listen to the persuasion of the “ignorant”. They needed to get to the hated editorial office of Kievlyanin.
The moment came when the sentries had to either shoot, or their rifles would be snatched from them. They turned pale and began to huddle towards the doors.
At this time the lieutenant arrived. Having rounded the corner, the lieutenant cleared his way with a revolver in his hands.
A moment later, a gray living palisade, lining up at the door, covered the pale sentries.
- Back! Besiege! I will shoot! The lieutenant's voice was clear and confident. But the students, as intellectuals, could not give up so easily...
- Mr. Officer! You must understand! Now freedom! Now the constitution!
- Constitution! Hooray!
Electrifying itself, the crowd rushed... The command was heard: - At the advancing crowd - fire - by a platoon!!! The gray palisade threw his left legs and rifles forward, and the characteristic, not loud, but terribly clear knock of the bolts was heard...
- Yes, D.I. was right... A stern shout was enough, behind which “a strong will is felt”...
Seeing that they were not being joked with, the crowd cowered and, cursing, besieged.
And in the ensuing silence a quiet command was heard, which for some reason is always pronounced in a contemptuous basso:
- Leave it alone!..
I went out for a walk. Something unprecedented was happening in the city. It seemed that everyone who could walk was on the streets. In any case, all Jews. But there seemed to be even more of them than there were, thanks to their defiant behavior. They did not hide their jubilation. The crowd burst into all colors. Ladies and young ladies in red skirts appeared from somewhere. Red bows, cockades, and bandages competed with them. All this was shouting, noisy, shouting at each other, winking at each other.
But there were also many Russians. Nobody understood anything well. Almost everyone wore red rosettes. The Russian crowd in Kyiv, largely monarchist in the old days, thought that since the sovereign gave a manifesto, then this is how it should be - that means we should rejoice. The red masquerade was, of course, suspicious. But now we have a constitution. Maybe that's how it's supposed to be.
Streams of people from all streets were directed towards the main street - Khreshchatyk. Something big was happening here.
The crowd flooded the wide street from edge to edge. Among this sea of heads stood some huge boxes, also hung with people. I didn’t immediately realize that these were stopped trams. From the roofs of these trams, some people were making speeches, waving their arms, but, over the roar of the crowd, nothing could be heard. They opened their mouths like fish thrown on the sand. All the balconies and windows were full of people.
They were also trying to shout something from the balconies, and from under their feet hung purple carpets and long red stripes, apparently torn from the tricolor national flags.
The crowd was excited, in general, joyful, and they rejoiced in different ways: some annoyingly, others with “quiet joy,” but everyone was generally stupid and drunk from their own multitude. The crowd was chasing the officers, trying to pin red rosettes on them. Some agreed, not understanding what the matter was, not knowing what to do - since the “constitution”. Then they were grabbed by the hands, rocked, carried... Here and there the helpless figures of these people riding in the crowd were visible...
Starting from Nikolaevskaya, the crowd stood as if in a church. Around the City Duma, the bay square and the adjacent streets, and especially Institutskaya, the crowd of people crowded even more...
We tried to hear the speakers speaking from the Duma balcony. It was difficult to make out what they were saying...
Somewhat to the side of the Duma, some part of the equestrian formation stood motionless.
I am back. There scenes, like the morning one, were repeated many times. Many times a crowd approached, screaming, threatening, trying to break in. They demanded, in the name of something, that all newspapers, and especially Kievlyanin, go on strike.
But the Kiev typesetters held out for now. They were nervous, it’s true, and it was impossible not to be nervous, because this roar of the crowd terrified the soul. What could be more terrible, more terrible, more disgusting than a crowd? Of all the animals, she is the lowest and most terrible beast, for to the eye she has a thousand human heads, but in reality there is one shaggy, bestial heart, thirsty for blood...
We had a peculiar relationship with the Kiev typesetters. Many of them worked for Kievlyanin for so long that they became, as it were, a continuation of the editorial family. D.I. was a strict man, completely devoid of sentimentality, but very kind - somehow justly, reasonably kind. He was always bothered by the idea of typesetters being poisoned by lead, and in general he found it hard work. Therefore, Kiev typesetters annually spent one month on our estate - on vacation. Apparently they appreciated it. Be that as it may, D.I. firmly announced to them that “Kievlyanin” must be released at all costs. And while they held on, they recruited...
Meanwhile, the atmosphere near the City Council was heating up. The speeches of the speakers became more and more bold as it became clear that the highest authorities in the region were at a loss, not knowing what to do. The manifesto took her by surprise, there were no instructions from St. Petersburg, and they themselves were afraid to decide on anything.
And so from the Duma balcony they began to boldly call for “overthrow” and “for uprising.” Some of those nearby began to understand what was going on, but others heard nothing and understood nothing. The revolutionaries greeted revolutionary slogans, shouted “hurray” and “down,” and the huge crowd standing around took up...
The cavalry unit, which stood somewhat apart from the Duma, was still present, motionless and inactive.
The officers still didn’t understand anything either. - After all, the constitution!..
And suddenly many understood... Whether it happened by accident or on purpose - no one would ever know... But during the height of the speeches about the “overthrow,” the royal crown, mounted on the Duma balcony, suddenly fell off or was torn off and, in front of a crowd of ten thousand, crashed onto the dirty pavement. The metal rang pitifully against the stones...
And the crowd gasped. The words ran through her in an ominous whisper: “The Jews threw off the royal crown...
This opened the eyes of many. Some began to leave the square. But they were followed by stories about what was happening in the Duma building itself.
And this is what was happening in the Duma. The crowd, among which the Jews were the most prominent, burst into the meeting room and, in revolutionary fury, tore up all the royal portraits hanging in the hall. Some emperors had their eyes gouged out, others were subjected to all sorts of other tortures. Some red-haired Jewish student, having pierced the portrait of the reigning emperor with his head, wore the pierced canvas on himself, shouting frantically:
- Now I am a king!
But the cavalry part of the Duma still stood motionless and indifferent. The officers still didn't understand.
But they also understood when fire was opened on them from the windows of the Duma and from its entrances.
Then, finally, the hitherto motionless grays perked up. Having fired several volleys at the Duma building, they rushed forward.
The crowd fled in horror. Everything was confused - revolutionaries and civilians, Russians and Jews. Everyone fled in panic, and half an hour later Khreshchatyk was cleared of all demonstrations. The “lieutenants”, awakened by shots from the lethargy into which their manifesto with the “constitution” had plunged them, carried out their duties...
Approximately similar scenes played out in some other parts of the city. All this can be summarized in the following bulletin:
In the morning: festive mood - exuberant among the Jews, - by “highest command” - among the Russians; the troops are at a loss.
During the day: revolutionary performances: speeches, appeals, symbolic actions, destruction of royal portraits, troops - inactive.
Toward Twilight: Revolutionary Attack on Troops, Awakening of Troops, Volleys and Flight.
Here, on Karavaevskaya, it became creepier with the onset of darkness. The typesetters were still typing, but they were very shaking. This is what they did now: they turned off the electricity when a crowd approached and sent out to say that work had been stopped. When the crowd left, they lit up again and worked until the next invasion. But it became more and more difficult.
I went outside from time to time. It was dark, warm and humid. It was as if the streets were empty, but one could feel the sick, anxious pulse of the city.
One day, when I returned, I was met in the courtyard by a group of typesetters.
They were apparently excited. I realized that they had just left D.I.
– It’s impossible, Vasily Vitalievich, we ourselves would like to, but there’s no way. We had these damn ones.
– Yes, from the strikers, from the “committee”. They threaten: “You work here under guard, so we will slaughter your families!” Well, what to do here?! We told Dmitry Ivanovich: we want to work and we don’t make any of these “demands,” but we’re afraid...
- What is he?
– And he told us so much that, believe me, Vasily Vitalievich, my heart turned upside down. No angry words, but just said: “I ask you not for myself, but for ourselves and for Russia...” You cannot give in!.. If you give in to them now, they will ruin everything, and you yourself will be without a piece of bread, and Russia will be the same !.. And it’s true, it will be like this... And we know and understand... But we don’t dare - we’re afraid... for our families... What to do?...
It was strange for me to see these faces, familiar from childhood in a completely different way, so excited and so sincere.
They all crowded around me in the semi-darkness of the poorly lit courtyard and told me in interrupted voices. I realized that these people sincerely would like to “not give in,” but... it’s scary...
And really, is there anything scarier than a crowd?..
They left, two remained. It was Sh...o and another one - the oldest typesetters of "Kievlyanin".
Sh...o grabbed my hands. - Vasily Vitalievich! We will type!.. Here are the two of us... We will type one sheet - two pages... After all, it’s not so important that there is a lot, but so as not to give in... And for Dmitry Ivanovich’s article to be published... We all know, we understand everything...
He shook my hands. – I’ve been working on these machines for forty years - even if I shed blood on them... Vasily Vitalievich, give me a ruble... for vodka!
He was already a little drunk and began to cry. I kissed the old man and handed him money, he ran into the darkness of the street for vodka...
- Your honor! They're coming again. This has happened many times this day. - Guard, out! - the lieutenant shouted. The platoon was forming up. But at this time the soldier came running again. - Your honor! These are some others. I walked through the lobby. The sentry was talking to some group of people. There were about thirty of them. I entered the huddle.
- What do you want, gentlemen?
They all started talking together.
- Mr. Officer... We wanted... we wanted... the editor of “Kievlyanin”... the professor... that is, Mr. Pikhno... we went to him... yes... because... Mr. Officer... is that really possible?! what are they doing!.. what right do they have?! they threw off the crown... they tore up the royal portraits... how dare they!.. we wanted to tell the professor...
– Did you want to see him?
- Yes, yes... Mr. Officer... there were a lot of us coming... hundreds, thousands... The police didn’t let us in... And since we, that is, are not against the police, we broke into groups... so they told us that we would definitely get to the “Kievlyanin” "to tell the professor... Dmitry Ivanovich...
D.I. was terribly tired that day. He was tormented all day. It is impossible to list how many people stayed in our little mansion. All this pressed against him, understanding nothing of what was happening, demanding instructions, explanations, advice and support. He gave this support beyond his own strength. But I felt that these people could not be refused either. We were at a turning point. Those who made their way here are the foam of the reverse wave...
- That's what... everyone can't. Pick four... I'll take you to the editor.
In the editorial lobby.
– I am the editor of Kievlyanin. What do you want?
There were four of them: three in shirtfronts and boots, the fourth in a blouse and boots.
- Here we are... here I am, for example, a hairdresser... and here they are...
- I am an official: I serve in the excise department... in the office.
- And I am a merchant. I have a grocery store... And this is a worker.
- Yes, I am a worker... A mechanic... these Jews are holy...
“Wait,” the hairdresser interrupted him, “so we, Mr. Editor, are, so to speak, different people, that is, different occupations...”
“Your subscribers,” said the official.
“Thank you, Mr. Editor, for writing the truth,” the shopkeeper suddenly said, excitedly.
“Why?.. Because your newspaper is not Jewish,” the mechanic said in a deep voice.
“Wait,” the hairdresser stopped him, “we, so to speak, that is, they told us: “Go to the editor of Kievlyanin, Mr. Professor, and tell him that we cannot do this, that we do not agree... that we We won’t allow that..."
– What right do they have! – the shopkeeper suddenly became terribly angry. - You worship the red rag - well, to hell with you! And I worship the tricolor. And my fathers and grandfathers worshiped. What right do you have to forbid me?..
“Beat the Jews,” the worker rang, as if he had hit an anvil with a hammer.
“Wait,” the barber stopped again, “we came, so to speak, to also... No, there’s no need to hit,” he turned to the worker. - No, not to hit, but, so to speak, peacefully. But in order to show everyone that we, so to speak, don’t want... we don’t agree... we won’t allow it...
- Mr. Editor, we want, like them, a demonstration, a manifestation... Only they are with the Reds, and we are with the Tricolors...
“Let’s take the portrait of the Emperor and go all over the city... That’s what we want...” the shopkeeper spoke. - We’ll serve a prayer service and go in a religious procession...
- They are with red flags, and we are with banners... - They are tearing up the royal portraits, and we, so to speak, will publicly restore them...
“The crown has been torn off,” the worker boomed. - Beat them, beat the Jew, you damned bastard!..
- This is what we want... this is what we were after... to find out... is it good?.. Your, so to speak, consent...
All four fell silent, waiting for an answer. From D.I.’s face, which I knew well, I saw what was happening to him. This face, so insignificant in ordinary times, now... gray, kind eyes from under strong eyebrows and this deep fold of will between them.
- I'll tell you what. Does it hurt, does it burn you?.. And it burns me. Maybe it hurts more than it hurts you... But there is more than what hurts you and me... There is Russia... You only need to think about one thing: how to help her... How to help this sovereign, against whom they launched an assault... How to help him . There is only one way to help him: to support the authorities he installed. Support this governor general, the police, the troops, the officers, the army... How can we support them? Just one thing: keep order. You want a manifestation “following their example”, a patriotic manifestation... Your very good feelings, holy feelings - only one thing is bad - that “following their example” you want to do this. What is their example? They started with a manifestation and ended with volleys. That’s how you’ll end up... You’ll start with a religious procession, and you’ll end up doing such things that the authorities will have to shoot at you... And you won’t be of any help, and you’ll also terribly complicate the position of the authorities... because the authorities will have to fight on two fronts, on two sides... And with them and with you. If you want to help, there is only one way, only one.
-Which one, which one? Tell. Then they walked... - The method is simple, although difficult: “everything is in its place.” Everything is in place. Here you are a hairdresser - for a razor. You are a trader - behind the counter. You are an official - for service. You are a worker - for the hammer. Don't hit the Jews, but hit the anvil with a hammer. You must become “for work”, for daily honest work - against the demonstration and against the strike. If we want to help the authorities, we will let them fulfill their duty. It is her duty to pacify the rioters. And the authorities will do this if we move away from them, because there are actually few of them. And although they are insolent, they are vile cowards...
“That’s right,” the worker concluded. - Beat them, you lousy bastard!!!
“They left, seemingly agreeing on the outside, but dissatisfied on the inside. When the door closed, D.I. somehow shrank, then waved his hand, and in his eyes there was an expression with which they look at something inevitable:
- There will be a pogrom...
Half an hour later, various police stations called the editorial office that a Jewish pogrom had begun.
One eyewitness tells how it happened in one place: “The bath attendants came out of the bathhouse in a crowd. One of them climbed a telephone pole. Now a crowd has gathered around. Then he started shouting from the pillar:
– The Jews threw off the royal crown!.. What right do they have? So, should we let them do that? Should we leave it like that? No, brothers, you're lying!
He climbed down from the pole, snatched a stick from the first person he came across, crossed himself and, swinging it, threw it with all his might at the nearest mirrored display case. Glass fell down, the crowd hooted and rushed through the broken glass into the store...
And off we go...
Thus ended the first day of the “constitution”...
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From the book Sweden is under attack. From the history of modern Scandinavian mythology author Grigoriev Boris NikolaevichOne of the most tragic pages of the First Russian Revolution was the pogroms of October 1905, the organization of which was attributed by public opinion to the government and the “Black Hundred,” which meant all supporters of autocracy [ 1 ].
The detonator for this social explosion was, oddly enough, the October 17 manifesto, which granted civil liberties to the population. It came as a complete surprise both to the liberal opposition, which greeted it with jubilation, and to the local authorities, whom it plunged into a state of complete confusion. But if the liberals considered the revolution over, the radical parties took the manifesto as a signal for the final assault on tsarism. Immediately after the publication of the tsar's manifesto, the streets of the cities of the Russian Empire were filled with revolutionary demonstrations of opponents of the autocracy. At the same time, a significant part of the urban population, whose well-being had sharply deteriorated as a result of the revolutionary events of 1905 (strikes, unrest, etc.), took to the streets demanding the restoration of “law and order.” The discontent of representatives of these social strata, which had accumulated throughout the autumn, reached its peak on October 18. On this day, two powerful streams of conservative and revolutionary demonstrations met on the streets of the cities of the Russian Empire, forming a terrible pogrom whirlpool that claimed thousands of human lives.
In Kyiv on October 18, 1905, the day of the proclamation of the Tsar's manifesto, a demonstration with red flags moved to the building of the City Duma, the doors of which were opened at its request. V.V. Shulgin tells about further events: “The royal crown, fixed on the Duma balcony, collapsed, a whisper passed through the crowd: “The Jews threw off the royal crown.” Jews in the Duma building tore up the royal portraits, gouged out their eyes. A red-haired Jewish student, Having pierced the portrait of the reigning emperor with his head, he wore the canvas and frantically shouted: “Now I am the king.” [ 2 ]. Although an investigation by Senator E. Turau established “that both Russians and Jews took part in the destruction of [royal] portraits and monograms” [ 3 ], the indignation caused by the insult to loyal feelings turned out to be directed primarily against the Jews, since their role in the revolutionary events was most noticeable. According to V.V. Shulgin, on October 18, 1905 in Kyiv, “everyone who could walk seemed to be on the streets. In any case, all Jews. But there seemed to be even more of them than there were, thanks to their defiant behavior.” [ 4 ]. E. Thurau also argued that Jewish youth “in all clashes with troops, police and the Christian population... behaved defiantly, often insulting their religious feelings and mocking objects of common veneration” [ 5 ], which provoked the start of counter-revolutionary demonstrations on that day [ 6 ] and gave them an anti-Jewish character.
A similar situation occurred in Odessa. But here the clashes between government forces and the radical opposition did not stop since July 14, since the arrival of the rebellious battleship Prince Potemkin-Tavrichesky at the Odessa raid. On October 18, the streets of Odessa were filled with crowds of people. According to information collected by Senator Kuzminsky, Jewish youth “with a visible consciousness of their superiority and even impudence began to point out to the Russians that freedom was not given voluntarily, but was snatched from the government by the Jews.” According to the testimony of the assistant to the Odessa police chief Kislyakovsky, the Jews told the Russians: “We gave you God, we will give you a tsar (or government)” [ 7 ]. In response, “more or less numerous crowds of workers and people of various professions began to appear on the streets, walking with icons in their hands, with portraits of the Sovereign Emperor, and national flags.” Along the way, the demonstrators were fired upon and bombs were thrown at them, one of which killed 6 people [ 8 ].
On October 20 in Mariupol, according to an eyewitness, when a patriotic demonstration together with Cossack units, after a prayer service, appeared in the city, “they began to shoot at it from the windows of Jewish houses, shooting the hand of a student technician who was carrying a portrait of the Tsar. Then turmoil, chaos arose, stampede, children, women, old people cried, fainted, screamed, and workers, adult residents and Cossacks were mad with anger, such unheard-of insolence and outrageous insult to patriotic feelings, embittered by the previous events of October 18 and 19 [revolutionary demonstrations - I.O.] how enraged animals attacked the Jewish houses, from where they fired volleys at the people, the procession and the Cossacks" [ 9 ].
In Poltava on October 22, after a prayer service on Cathedral Square, “the crowd began to disperse, and at that time, on the main street and adjacent alleys, a number of shots were fired by Jews at peacefully passing groups of patriotic demonstrators, as well as at the police” [ 10 ]. In Ivanovo-Voznesensk, unrest also began on October 22. After one of the speakers at a rally near the City Duma concluded his speech with the words: “We don’t need a Tsar,” “the mood of the crowd immediately changed: there was murmur and indignation in the crowd, and groups of “nationalists” immediately began to organize.” On the same day, a prayer service was served on the square, “with the participation of... a crowd of 20-30 thousand people, with white bows on the chest", after which, "the crowd immediately began to pogrom Jewish shops and houses." Another reason for the pogrom "was two shots during the demonstration, fired from the windows of the house occupied by the Jew Bernstein" [ 11 ].
Very often, the reason for the clash was an external manifestation of disloyalty to the monarch. In Moscow on October 22, a crowd of monarchist workers on the corner of the Kamenny Bridge “attacked a student passing here, who... carelessly addressed the Tsar House. The demonstrators threw him into the Moscow River” [ 12 ]. In Nizhyn, after a prayer service, a patriotic demonstration with a portrait of the emperor walked around the city, forcing “Jews and students to swear allegiance to the king.” But since not everyone agreed to kneel in front of the portrait, beatings began, which turned into a pogrom [ 13 ].
Thus, the pogroms of October 1905, which went down in history under the name “Jewish,” were directed not so much against Jews as against “revolutionaries” in general, among whom, as we know, Jews made up a significant percentage. Senator E. Thurau, who was entrusted with investigating the causes of the pogrom in Kyiv, argued that the riots of October 18-21, 1905 “were in direct connection with the general revolutionary movement that swept almost all of Russia” [ 14 ]. Nikolai himself?? in a letter dated October 27, 1905 addressed to his mother Empress Maria, he assessed the events that followed the publication of the highest manifesto: “... The people were outraged by the impudence and insolence of the revolutionaries and socialists, and since 9/10 of them were Jews, all the anger fell on those - hence the Jewish pogroms... the Russian agitators also suffered..." [ 15 ].
Modern American researcher A. Asher also argues that “although Jews were the main target of the pogroms of October 1905, they were not the only ones who were attacked,” but in fact everyone who “supported the victory of the opposition over the autocracy” [ 16 ]. For example, in Shuya, the pogrom, which began as a Jewish pogrom, very soon grew into an anti-revolutionary uprising, and the Jews were simply forgotten [ 17 ]. In Veliky Ustyug, “a crowd of people destroyed the apartments of people who made political speeches at rallies,” in Ivanovo-Voznesensk, not only Jewish houses and shops were destroyed, but “also Russian ones, where there were socialist apartments” [ 18 ].
In total, during the October pogroms in the Russian Empire, 1622 people were killed and 3544 were injured. S.A. Stepanov managed to establish the national and religious affiliation of 2/3 of the victims, of whom were Jews: killed - 711, wounded - 1207; Orthodox: killed - 428, wounded - 1246 [ 19 ]. At the same time, the pogrom in Zhitomir, which occurred in April 1905, that is, not related to the revolutionary events of the autumn of that year, was truly directed exclusively against Jews. Therefore, among the victims of this pogrom there were 18 Jews and 1 Christian - a student who was part of the Jewish self-defense [ 20 ].
One of the reasons for the outbreak of violence in October 1905, the opposition considered the spread of provocative rumors and pogrom literature among the population, allegedly undertaken by the Black Hundreds. In Kyiv, on the eve of the pogrom, anti-Semitic appeals “To the Russian People” and handwritten leaflets signed by the non-existent Great Hermit of the Lavra were distributed [ 21 ]. In Kharkov, according to a police report, “an unknown man from the village of Vvedenskoye, Zmievsky district, selling cabbage, told his customers that unknown persons had appeared in their village, inciting people to beat the Jews, while assuring that the Tsar had ordered it” [ 22 ]. It is unlikely that such agitation was carried out by representatives of the few and uninfluential Black Hundred parties at that time. In addition, similar cases occurred in areas where these parties could not have influence, in particular in the Kingdom of Poland, the overwhelming majority of the population of which professed Catholicism. For example, in June 1905, in the villages of Vysoky Kol and Togovo, Radom province, “several agitators intervened in a peaceful crowd leaving the church, inciting it to a pogrom” [ 23 ].
S.A. Stepanov cites facts of provocative actions on the part of Jewish political organizations. On May 11, 1905, in Nezhin (Chernigov province), three Jews were detained, scattering appeals in Russian: “People, save Russia, save yourself, beat the Jews, otherwise they will make you their slaves.” At the same time, in Chernigov, Zionist socialists distributed appeals in Hebrew calling on the “Israelis” to arm themselves [ 24 ].
When considering the reasons for the pogroms, one cannot ignore the anti-Semitic sentiments characteristic of a significant part of the Christian population, especially in the Jewish Pale of Settlement. The hysteria they caused in the spring of 1905 covered entire districts in Volyn. Influenced by rumors that “Jews will beat Christians,” “entire villages (not excluding women) armed with pitchforks, rakes, clubs and other weapons do not sleep at night and go to the outskirts of the villages to meet imaginary enemies,” the newspaper “Kievlyanin” wrote [ 25 ]. During the October riots of the same year in Kyiv, “a rumor spread that the Jews in the city had burned the Goloseevsky Monastery and killed all the monks” [ 26 ]. Even the refutations posted around the city signed by General Karass could not calm the population.
The Black Hundreds themselves called the active participation of Jews in the revolutionary movement the main reason for the Jewish pogroms. “Taking into account such Jewish zeal for revolutionary work, the manifestation of outbursts of popular indignation against the people of Israel will become understandable,” wrote Moskovskie Vedomosti [ 27 ]. “Sooner or later, the patience of ordinary Russian people bursts, and the consequences, no matter how difficult it may be, are Jewish pogroms,” argued the right-wing publicist A.V. Ososov [ 28 ].
The right had grounds for such statements. By 1905, 18.8% of the members of the RSDLP were Jews [ 29 ], among anarchists and Socialist Revolutionaries this figure was even higher. "Moskovskie Vedomosti" claimed that "of the total number of revolutionary agitators detained by the administration, about 90% were Jews" [ 30 ]. In Odessa, on October 16, 1905, the authorities arrested 214 riot participants, 197 of them were Jews [ 31 ]. D.I. Ilovaisky also claimed from the pages of his newspaper that in Odessa “the majority of those detained for shooting at troops and police are mainly Jews” [ 32 ]. According to a member of the “Russian Assembly” M.M. Borodkin, Jews made up 29.1% of those brought to justice in political cases for 1904 - 1907. [ 33 ] The Tver province was not part of the Pale of Settlement, however, during the period from April 1 to October 1, 1907, 14 people were subject to administrative expulsion from its borders for revolutionary activities, four of whom (i.e. 35%) were Jews [ 34 ].
But still, one cannot help but admit that the actions of the pogromists had not only political, but also religious and ethnic motives. In many cases, Orthodox icons displayed in the windows of Jewish apartments served as reliable protection from pogromists [ 35 ]. General A.S. Lukomsky recalled his arrival in Kyiv after the October pogroms: “Icons were displayed in all the windows of apartments, hotels, and shops. Icons also decorated the windows of obviously Jewish shops...” [ 36 ].
The social composition of the pogromists underwent significant changes over the course of several October days. The initiators of patriotic demonstrations that turned into pogroms were, as a rule, workers. In Odessa, port stevedores were the first to take to the streets [ 37 ]. In the Kyiv suburb of Solomenka, a pogrom was organized by a party of unskilled workers from the city (about 2000 people), in another suburb - Demievka - the initiators of the riots were workers of a sugar factory, after a revolutionary demonstration with red flags left for Kyiv [ 38 ]. V.V. Shulgin also noted that among the pogromists the majority “apparently were workers” [ 39 ]. Subsequently, declassed elements began to join the pogroms. In Odessa, according to eyewitnesses, pogroms were carried out by people who joined patriotic demonstrations: “... along the way, many other random people joined the crowd, including many hooligans and tramps...” [ 40 ]. In Kyiv, on the third day of the pogrom, “the composition of the crowd changed significantly; it was dominated by various unemployed and tramps” [ 41 ].
But the most active role in the pogroms was played by the peasants, whose main goal was the robbery of Jewish property. In Starodub, Chernigov province, on October 24, “all day long, the voluntary Russian police had difficulty delaying the invasion of the city by parties of rural thugs and robbers armed with guns” [ 42 ]. In Gostomel (a suburb of Kyiv) “a crowd of 300 people came from the surrounding villages. They staged a pogrom, loaded the carts with looted property, went home, having previously asked the priest to serve a prayer service for the health of the Sovereign-Emperor” [ 43 ]. According to S.A. Stepanov’s calculations, peasants made up 83% of the pogromists [ 44 ].
The pogroms were a reaction of a certain part of the population to the further development of the revolution and were directed, first of all, against it. But, at the same time, they also pursued another goal: to eliminate economic competitors, mainly in the field of trade. An investigation into the events in Kyiv established: “It happened that small shopkeepers, competitors of Jews... owners of small craft establishments incited the pogrom...” [ 45 ]
The manifesto of October 17 brought a certain disorganization into the actions of the authorities, because the “granted freedoms” contradicted the martial law introduced in many places. Officials, with rare exceptions, did not take any measures to stop the pogroms. Senator E. Turau, who investigated the Kyiv events, noted: “During the days of the pogrom, what was striking was the undoubted inaction of the troops and police, close to connivance” [ 46 ]. In Odessa, the commander of the district troops A.V. Kaulbars, giving instructions to the police, said: “We all sympathize with the pogrom...” [ 47 ]. Among the pogromists there was also the belief that “the authorities gave permission to rob the Jews.” For example, in the Chernigov province in the village of Lechitsy, the headman told his fellow villagers about an order that had come from the city to beat the Jews [ 48 ].
The police, for the most part, also did not interfere with the riots. In Odessa, after several incidents occurred between the population and police officers, the latter were removed from their posts and concentrated in precincts to prevent attacks on individual police officers. By order of the mayor D.B. Neidgart, the troops were also removed from the streets in order to “give the population the opportunity to freely use the freedom provided by the manifesto in all forms” [ 49 ]. Thus, the authorities abandoned the city to its fate.
Seeing the inaction of the police, the troops often simply did not intervene in what was happening. One Cossack in Kyiv explained his task for patrolling the streets this way: “so that no one shoots at the thugs from windows and balconies, and so that they do not fight among themselves” [ 50 ]. Many contemporaries even believed that military personnel took part in the pogroms. But such cases occurred only in Odessa. According to the report of the commander of the troops of the Odessa district, “in the crowd of street thugs and robbers there were individuals in military clothing” [ 51 ]. In Kyiv, the reserves who were sent home at the end of the Russo-Japanese War took part in the pogrom. In addition, in the same Kyiv, the troops were given an order to take away and demolish the loot to specified places. The sight of soldiers carrying out this order laden with belongings gave rise to rumors about their participation in the robberies [ 52 ].
The October pogrom was counteracted by Jewish self-defense alone. But her activity, in most cases, only made the situation worse. Unable to protect the Jewish population from numerous crowds, Jewish self-defense with their shots only provoked the escalation of the pogrom. An investigation by Senator E. Thurau showed that “in response to self-defense shots even at thugs, the troops fired a volley at the windows, then the crowd robbed him” [ 53 ].
Most contemporaries believed that the October events of 1905 were organized by someone, arguing that the pogroms simultaneously covered a vast territory. Both liberal and democratic circles did not allow the possibility of independent action by the masses in defense of the autocracy. The first considered them incapable of mass organized actions without the influence of agitators (which they saw as pogroms), and the second did not allow that the people, whom they considered the bearer of the highest moral values, were capable of causing bloody riots on their own initiative.
American researcher A. Asher considers “quite plausible” the idea that the pogroms of 1905 were “planned by the tsarist government,” otherwise how, in his opinion, can one explain “such an explosion of hatred in many remote regions of a huge country with a time interval just a few days" [ 54 ]. A. Asher considers the main argument in favor of the authorities organizing pogroms to be the activities of the well-known printing house of the gendarmerie captain M.S. Komissarov, which semi-legally printed leaflets with anti-Semitic content within the walls of the Police Department [ 55 ]. But the above-mentioned “printing house” consisted of one manual rotary machine, confiscated from the revolutionaries, and therefore could not provide the entire country with printed products, and it operated from December 1905 to February 1906 [ 56 ], that is, after a wave of pogroms swept across the country.
It is unlikely that in Russia in October 1905 there was a force capable of bringing tens of thousands of people in hundreds of settlements onto the streets in a few hours (remember, the manifesto of October 17 came as a complete surprise to both revolutionaries and government officials) and organizing them for decisive action . The monarchists also shared the same point of view. “No matter what the Jewish and Jewish newspapers talk about the machinations of the police and the administration, about the organization of the “Black Hundreds,” they themselves must admit in their souls that this is either ... self-consolation, or a “technique” of the struggle. Events broke out too amicably, too spontaneously upon the publication of the Manifesto on October 17, so that the malicious incitement of the dark crowd or bribery could be recognized here, especially since the Manifesto came as a surprise,” wrote the magazine “Peaceful Work” [ 57 ].
The version put forward by the opposition and firmly entrenched in journalistic literature about the organization of the pogroms of October 1905 by the Black Hundred (monarchist) parties does not stand up to criticism either. Some of the Jewish pogroms generally occurred before the emergence of mass right-wing organizations. So only in 1904, during the Russian-Japanese War, according to information from Ya.S. Honigsman and A.Ya. Naiman, “about three dozen pogroms were noted in various localities” [ 58 ]. In the summer of 1905, in the Kerch region there was a “pogrom in the villages of Yenikale, Opasnoye, Kapkany,” the reason for which “was the attitude of Jews towards Russia’s defeats in the Russo-Japanese War” [ 59 ].
In October 1905, 690 pogroms occurred in 660 settlements [ 60 ]. By this time, there were only three Black Hundred organizations in Russia that intended to expand their activities throughout the country: the “Russian Assembly”, the Union of Russian People (SRL) and the Russian Monarchist Party (RMP). The number of their supporters amounted to hundreds of people, most of whom lived in the capitals. Several dozen small monarchist circles that emerged locally during the summer and autumn of 1905 did not represent a serious force due to the political marginality of both their organizers and participants.
“The Kievite” wrote in his characteristic style: “The whole glorious flock of Jewish lawyers, the most famous, simply famous and not at all famous, with all the packs of bloodhounds, made incredible efforts to find even a small proof of the terrible organization of hooligans and robbers, and found nothing "[ 61 ]. Right-wing publicist A.P. Liprandi explained the pogroms of 1905 - 1906. precisely “the absence of monarchical organizations, the influence of which on the masses later turned out to be completely opposite; with the growth and widespread spread of their pogroms did not intensify, but, on the contrary, completely ceased” [ 62 ]. For example, the monarchist manifestation held by the Union of the Russian People on June 4, 1907 in Odessa during a period of sharp aggravation of the confrontation between the Jewish and Orthodox populations of the city took place without incident [ 63 ]. And according to the newspaper "Tverskoe Volga Region", in the spring of 1907, in the Krasnoye village of the Kostroma province, the unrest was "stopped solely thanks to the intervention of members of the Union [of the Russian people]" [ 64 ].
When the Black Hundred movement gained strength, only two pogroms occurred in the Russian Empire, comparable in scale to the October ones, in Sedlec and Bialystok in 1906. But the monarchist parties could not have much influence in these cities, since the Russian population in them was significantly inferior in terms of number of Poles and Jews. For example, in Bialystok by 1889, for 2,242 Orthodox Christians there were 3,447 Catholics, 2,366 Protestants and 48,552 Jews [ 65 ]. According to information provided by V.M. Ostretsov, the main role in the pogrom was played by peasants from the surrounding villages who came to the market [ 66 ]. And the fact that anti-Semitic sentiments were also present among the Polish population is evidenced by documents from the Police Department. Thus, one of them reports that on November 13, 1906, in Volyn, in the Starokonstantinovsky district, the Pole B. Orpikovsky was detained “for calling for the beating of Jews” [ 67 ].
Thus, the Jewish pogroms in the autumn of 1905 arose spontaneously as a reaction of the conservative-minded part of the urban lower classes to the further development of the First Russian Revolution, in which Jews played an active role. The bloody riots were caused by several reasons. The most important of these were the appearance on the streets of large masses of people with opposing political beliefs, electrified by previous revolutionary events, and the economic struggle between Jewish and Christian trade and craft. That is why both the poorest strata of the Jewish population suffered, for their revolutionary spirit, and the wealthy, as economic competitors. In addition, “tribal enmity,” which was based on religious and ethnic confrontation between followers of Christianity and Judaism, also played a certain role in the escalation of violence.
Igor Vladimirovich Omelyanchuk, Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor (Kharkov)
FOOTNOTES
1 - The monarchists themselves did not refuse this name, considering it honorable, and saw a direct connection between their organizations and the medieval “Black Hundreds” (posad trade and craft corporations) that became the basis of the Second Militia that liberated Moscow from Polish invaders in 1612.
2 - Shulgin V.V. Years. Days. 1920. M., 1990. P. 343; Pogroms according to official documents. St. Petersburg, 1908. P. 229.
3 - Pogroms according to official documents. P. 227.
4 - Shulgin V.V. Years. Days. 1920. P. 340.
5 - RGIA. F. 1405. Op. 539. D. 384. L. 3.
6 - Pogroms according to official documents. P. 230.
7 - Ibid. S. CXXIV, CXXV.
8 - Ibid. P. CXLVIII, CL.
9 - GARF. F. 116. Op. 1. D. 128. L. 19 vol.
10 - Moscow Gazette. 1905. October 23. N 281.
11 - The same. October 30. N 288.
12 - The same. October 23. N 281.
13 - Kiev resident. 1905. October 28. N 298.
14 - RGIA. F. 1405. Op. 539. D. 384. L. 3.
15 - Quote. by: Shulgin V.V. “What we don’t like about them...”: about anti-Semitism in Russia. St. Petersburg, 1992. P. 239.
16 - Asher A. Pogrom of 1905 rock: arbitrariness, why is violence planned? // F?losofska? sociologist's thought. 1994. N 5-6. P. 187.
17 - Ivanov Yu. Rabinovich and others. The Jewish question in Shuisky district // Rodina. 2002. N 4-5. P. 119.
18 - Moscow Gazette. 1905. October 25. N 283; October 30. N 288.
19 - Stepanov S.A. The Black Hundred in Russia (1905 - 1914). P.56.
20 - Speeches on pogrom cases. Vol. II. K., 1908. pp. 95, 105.
21 - Pogroms according to official documents. P. 263.
22 - GAHO. F. 3. Op. 287, part 1. D. 1115. L. 3, 3 vol.
23 - Kiev resident. 1905. June 26. N 174.
24 - Stepanov S.A. The Black Hundred in Russia (1905 - 1914). P.58.
25 - Kiev resident. 1905. April 29. N 117.
26 - Moscow Gazette. 1905. October 22. N 280.
27 - Ibid.
28 - Ososov A.V. The Jewish Question // Peaceful Labor. 1906. N 2. P. 24.
29 - Kiselev I.P., Korelin A.P., Shelokhaev V.V. Political parties in Russia in 1905 - 1907: numbers, composition, placement // History of the USSR. 1990. N 4. P. 72.
30 - Moscow Gazette. 1906. January 11. N 8.
31 - Pogroms according to official documents. S. CXXV.
32 - Kremlin. 1906. January 16. NN 23, 24 and 25.
33 - Borodkin M. [M.] About the revolution // Peaceful Labor. 1907. N 6-7. P. 137.
34 - GATO. F. 927. Op. 1. D. 1184. L. 32 vol.
35 - See for example: Kievite. 1905. October 21. N 291; October 26. N 296 and others.
36 - Lukomsky A.S. Memoirs // Questions of history. 2001. N 6. P. 73.
37 - Pogroms according to official documents. S. СХLVIII.
38 - Kiev resident.1905. the 25th of October. N 295.
39 - Shulgin V.V. Years. Days. 1920. P. 363.
40 - Pogroms according to official documents. S.CL.
41 - Kiev resident. 1905. October 21. N 291.
42 - Moscow Gazette. 1905. October 29. N 287.
43 - Kiev resident. 1905. October 26. N 296.
44 - Stepanov S.A. The Black Hundred in Russia (1905 - 1914). P. 79.
45 - Pogroms according to official documents. P. 239.
46 -Ibid. P. 239.
47 - Ibid. S. CLXIV, CLXXXI.
48 - Stepanov S.A. The Black Hundred in Russia (1905 - 1914). P. 80.
49 - Pogroms according to official documents. S. CXXXXIV.
50 - Pogroms according to official documents. P. 241.
51 - Ibid. P.193.
52 - Ibid. P. 245.
53 - Pogroms according to official documents. P. 238.
54 - Asher A. Decree. op. P. 185.
55 - Ibid. P. 191.
56 - Ruud Ch.A., Stepanov S.A. Fontanka, 16: Political investigation under the Tsars. M., 1993. P. 297.
57 - R.E. Modern impressions // Peaceful work. 1905. N 9. P. 215.
58 - Khonigsman Ya.S., Naiman A.Ya. Jews of Ukraine. Brief history. Part 1. K., 1993. P. 140.
59 - TsGIAU. F. 348. Op. 1. D. 86. L. 2.
60 - Kozhinov V.V. Mysterious pages of the history of the twentieth century. M.: Prima V, 1995. P. 109.
61 - Kiev resident. 1905. December 16. N 347.
62 - Liprandi A.P. Equality and the Jewish Question // Peaceful Work. 1910. N 10. P. 35.
63 - TsGIAU. F. 268. Op. 1. D. 112. L. 16.
64 - Tver Volga region. 1907. March 28. N 142.
65 - Encyclopedic Dictionary / Publishers F.A. Brockhaus, I.A. Efron. T. V. St. Petersburg, 1891. P. 236.
66 - See: Ostretsov V.M. Black Hundred and Red Hundred (The Truth about the Union of the Russian People). M., 1991. P. 21.
67 - TsGIAU. F. 1335. Op. 1. D. 582. L. 1.